British Trade With China

PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS

BRITISH TRADE

WITH

CHINA.

Pv JAr.'ESMATHESON. F ,.v

LONDON:

SMITH, L fil! AXtJ X. CORNHIU,

It %w.i.Ltu% T.* iBCin nAir«tfn>

I’lUJSliNf POSITION AND l*ROSI*li<n>4

■» lUt

milTISH TRADE WITH CHINA.

THE

PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS

OF TIIB

BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA

TOC>F.TIIEIt WITH

AN OUTLINK OF SOME LEADING OCCURRENCES

IN

ns PAST HISTORY.

Uy ,iambs MATllESON, Bsy.

Ill mi: riiiM J.tai'ixr. HaTai^N am> ro, u< lAS'TfiN,

LONDON;

SMITH, ELDER AND CO., CORNHILL,

IIOOKAEIXcnS T» TBEIU MAJKSTir-i

1836 .

r/>Hiir>s:

^mMtrp br mWAHT avd c‘A«,
flLP BtILIT.

ADVERTISEMENT.

The author of the ensuing pages has been
engaged in active commercial pursuits at
Canton for the last seventeen years.

tie has spared no |»ains to present a faithful
and popular view of that most important sub¬
ject, the British trade with China. Fur this
purpose he has not only referred to every
source of authentic information, but hus been
enabled to avail himself of the assistance of
a distinguished friend particularly conversant
with the subject of international law.

11c lias. occasionally adopted the felicitous
language of his admirable friend Mr. Holman,
to the accuracy of whose observations he is
glad to have this opportunity of bearing testi¬
mony.

9, Hanover Street, Hanover Square,

Fehmimi. 1836.

CONTENTS.

I’u^c

PaKiHT Position, .1

Historical Outline.8]

%ome instances of successful negotiation with tlie

Chinese.105

Emperor's edict reprehending the eitortions of the

Hong Merchants.109

On the arbitrar)- duties levied on foreign trade at

Canton.Ui

On the criminal and admiralty jurisdiction conferred

on His Majesty's Superintendents in China . 115
On homicides in China. (By the late Rev. Dr, R.

Morrison).117

Memorials to His Majesty's Government from the
merchants of Manchester, livc^Mol, Glasgow,

and Canton .12)

Statement of British Trade at Canton, 1833-34 ]3(i

Statement of British Trade at Canton, 1834-35 140

PRESENT POSITION,

Ji-r.

It has pleased Providence to assign to the
Chinese,—a people characterised by a marvel¬
lous degree of imbecility, avarice, conceit, and
obstinacy,—the possession of a vast portion of
the most desirable parts of the earth, and a
population estimated as amounting to nearly a
third of the whole human race. It has been the
policy of this extraordinary j)eople, to shroud
themselves, and all belonging to them, in mys¬
tery impenetrable,—to monopolize all the ad¬
vantages of their situation. They consequently
exhibit a spirit of c.vc/»siwMCss on a grand
scale. From what this has resulted,—whether
from conceit, or selfishness, or from a con¬
sciousness that the ancient but feeble frame¬
work of their political system cannot bear the
rude concussions of modern times,—the too near
inspection of inquisitive and ambitious fellow-
nations, it matters not here to inquire. Such
Is the fact; and the result is that China remains,
at this moment, *' a boundless field of indefinite
curiosity and vague speculation.” " It is one of

B

2 PRESENT POSITION .\N1> PROSPECTS 01'

their principal maxims,” observes Mr. Auber,
“ and one which they believe contributes most
to good government, not to suffer foreigners to
settle in the empire: for besides their contempt
for other nations, whom they look upon as bar¬
barous, they are persuaded tliat a difference of
people would introduce among them a diversity
of manner and customs, which, by little and
little, would bring on personal quarrels, and
these would end in parties, and proceed to rebel¬
lions, fatal to the tranquillity of their empire."*
These notions are carried to a surprising extent.
They permit to Europeans no intercourse but of
a commercial character, and that only of the
scantiest and most ungracious description,—re¬
stricted to the verest outposts and confines of
the empire. “ Foreign trade receives no sup¬
port from the government; it i.$ barely tolerated:
for it is always at variance with that jealous
policy which draws a line of perpetual de-
markation between China and the rest of tlie
world.”! On no earthly consideration will they
permit a “ harharlaii' footstep to transgress the
limits of Canton, almost the southernmost extre-

* Auber on British amlForc^n Intercourse with China, p. 56.

i Encyclop. Metropolit, part xiii.—Sec, however, tho
Second Appendix to the Third Rei>ort of the Select Com¬
mittee of the House of Commons on the Afiairs of the East
India Company, p. 527.

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA.

3

mity of the empire, fiHieen hundred miles from
the capital; and in the pursuit of their com¬
mercial avocations at that place, foreigners are
constantly exposed to the most ignominious
sui'vdllunce and restrictions.

Studiously and obstinately presenting this
repulsive aspect, discouraging all attempts to
become acquainted with lier national character,
it is not to be wondered at that distant nations,
if ever their curiosity had been excited con¬
cerning China, suffered it at length to die away
into a feeling of contemptuous indifference: and
China, its position, customs, and inhabitants,
came, at length, to be spoken of much in the
same spirit as one would speculate concerning
the suppositious tenants of the moon. It was
reserved, however, for those “ princes of the
earth”—the merchants —to overcome these
feelings of indifference or repugnance. A spirit
of noble and persevering enterprise led them to
dare all dangers, to despise all difficulties. They
soon perceived how vast a field China afforded
for commerce, even under the most discouraging
circumstances: and after many years of per¬
severing struggle, they succeeded in opening a
communication between Europe and China,
which has led to an annual interchange of
hiillions of capital. The history of the British
intercourse with China during a period of
nearly two centuries, is indeed an unparalleled

4 PRESENT POSITION. AND PROSPKCTIS <)1'

one. It is fraught with instruction, and now
is the auspicious moment for turning it to
account.

It is melancholy, but no ways surprising, to
reflect upon the extent to which ignorance and
misapprehension as to the nature of our com¬
mercial intercourse with China prevail in this
country. The reason above assigned will, in
some measure, account for it; especially when
added to a consideration of the disheartening
difficulties attending the attempt to acquire a
knowledge of the Chinese language; the pro¬
digious distance of China; the exclusively mer¬
cantile character of our intercourse, (naturally
destitute of iuterestiug and stirring topics)—and
that, too, hitherto committed to the exclusive
keeping of the East India Company; who never
manifested any particular readiness to admit
the public to a knowledge of the mysteries of
Leadenhall-street, but, on the contrary, rather
acquiesced in, and encouraged the notion of the
unprepossessing nature of such inquiries. It
may be safely asserted Uiat four-fifths of our
fellow-countrymen know, or care to know, little
more about our relations with China, than that
the delightful beverage which cheers but not
inebriates,” and a few articles of ornamental
dress and curious earthenware annually find
their way hither from that mysterious and re¬
mote region. They trouble not themselves to

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA.

inquire or think about the intense anxieties,
sufferings, and dangers of their enterprising
felJow-countrymen, by whose means these arti¬
cles are transmitted; they feel little or no
interest in being told that some of the most
respectable of their fellow-countrymen are daily
subjected to injuries and insults not merely of
a harassing, but even of a horrible descrip¬
tion,* while in the prosecution of honourable
and responsible undertakings; that the vast
and lucrative trade between Great Britain and
China, with all its extensive dependencies both at
home and abroad, is liable to be, and frequently
has been, suspended on the most frivolous aud
ridiculous pretences that could be devised by
the capricious and unprincipled local autho¬
rities of Canton ; that the British nation
and its sovereign, are constantly and openly
characterised by the Chinese in their official
edicts in the grossest terms of contempt and
dishonour; that our unoffending representative.
Lord Napier, who travelled to China at the
instance of the Chinese government itself, no
sooner reached the Canton river, than ho
encountered such indignities and injuries as
speedily destroyed him—the whole trade being

• * See Ihc atrocious “ prodatHatioH agaihst (he Houg mcr-
i:han(s conniving at and abetting vice in Jorcigners,” issued
aniiiiidlyby tlic Governor and Mojipo.

PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OF

at the same time, abruptly and ruinously sus¬
pended for upwards of a month; that our sove¬
reign and his people, in short, were treated with
such disdain, and visited with such injuries, as
they have never hitherto experienced, or chosen
to endure. These latter topics certainly excited,
from their singularity and the suddenness of
their communication, a few days’ notice; they
then disappeared from the daily journals, and
all seems now utterly forgotten,—as though the
gravest questions of commercial interest, and
even of the national honour, had not been inti¬
mately involved in, if not compromised by them!
The abolition of the East India Company’s char¬
ter,—a great political measure,—pregnant as it
was with prodigious consequences, made a cer¬
tain stir while under parliamentary discussion ;
the national spirit seemed kindled for a moment
against so unjust a rtionopoly as that enjoyed by
the company in question. It disappeared,—the
public was satished, and its attention and enorgie.s
were forthwith directed to fresh objects. How
the breaking up of the old, and the introduction
of the new system of commercial intercourse,
would be received in China —how it would work,
—whether any and what further alterations
would be rendered necessary, are questions that
seem by tacit and universal consent to have
been left to the few individuals who from inte¬
rest or inclination concern themselves with the

THE BRITISH TRAIJE WITH CHINA.

subject. This great and decisive measure,
highly benehcial as its consequences are calcu¬
lated to prove to our commercial intercourse
with China, has nevertheless been attended
with effects, some of them, perhaps, not wholly
unforeseen, and some of them unexpectedly
unfortunate \ such as imperiously call upon the
government for a prompt interference,—a vigo¬
rous superintendence in reconstructing the sys¬
tem of our commercial intercourse with China.
With the government, indeed, it rests at this
moment to say, in eftect, whether the British
trade with China shall any longer continue;
whether our merchants shall be enabled to
carry it on any longer, either with safety and
honour to themselves, or their country. It has
wisely tliought fit to substitute hidivuluul for
corporate enterprise in trading to China. Surely,
then, it is called upon nut to desert the new
system in its birth, but to protect and foster it;
to compensate for the withdrawal of that " local
liabitation and a name,”—that local influence
and power which have hitherto (however imper¬
fectly) sheltered and protected our interests in
China,—by such demonstrations as shall con¬
vince the people of that country, that our indivi¬
dual not less than our coqionite traders, enjoy
,the full countenance and support of the British
government.

That* this viiaUy-iiiqHirtaut subject may be

‘ l>Ri;siiNT 1‘OSITION ANU PROSPECTS OP

easily and at the same time thoroughly under¬
stood, it has been thought advisable to give a
short and popular sketch of the present position
and prospects of Anglo-Cliinesc aftairs,—the
sources of the existing evils, and the means by
which they may be remedied, and the trade,
so important in every point of view to this coun¬
try, .placed on a permanent and advantageous
footing.

However skilful and successful may have
been deemed, in some res|>ccts, the East India
Company’s long administration of Chinese com¬
mercial affairs, it is impossible for any one to
peruse with attention the authentic records of
their proccediugs, without perceiving that their
policy, even if not altogether based upon funda¬
mental errors, has exhibited many features of
a most short-sighted and mischievous character;
that the ill effects of many of their measures ex¬
ist at this moment, and oppose most formidable
barriers to the progress of their successors. It
may be questionable whether the East India
Company, in their anxiety to secure their com¬
mercial interests, have not, for a long series of
years, made sacrifices that were inconsistent not
only with the honour of the British nation, but
with its permanent interests, even in a commer¬
cial point of view. It is very grievous and^
humiliating to reflect that our jiresent degra¬
dation in the eyes of China, and the ruinou.s

TJIE JJHITISIJ TR.4DE tt'JTll CHINA.

exactions she inflicts upon us, are, in reality,
selt-iiiiposed; that—

“ TIiq thonis which wc liave reaped, are of the tree

Wc planted. Tliey have tom ua, and we bleed."

Without tracing out iheir whole administration,
it may be stated, that many of their most impor¬
tant measures are based upon an utter ignorance
of the real character of the Chinese,—such as
one could scarcely have supposed possible, after
so many years’ intimate experience. In the
year 1751, for instance, the Court of Directors,
finding the trade sufl’ering from continual impo¬
sitions, authorized the supercargoes to bribe the
local authorilia* in order to obtain a disconti¬
nuance of such exactions. Could they have
taken a step more destructive to their own in¬
terests ? Had they not already had experience,
year after year, of the mercenary and rapacious
character of the Chinese ?- What, then, were
the cou.sequences, and who could not, if pos¬
sessed of but ordinary forethought, have antici¬
pated them? Six years afterwards we find the
bribed authorities of Canton expending their
gains in bribery at the court of Pekin, and
thereby securing; a monopoly of the whole foreign
trade! The immediate consequence was our
exclusion from trading at any of the other ports
to which we had, till theq» been accustomed

* .lulwr, 167.

lO PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OF

to resort: and thus we lost the only mode wc
had of holding the Canton authorities in chock—
our only rod in ten'ot'cm over them, namely, the
threat—always effectual, of removing our trade
to such other ports! One circumstance will
suffice to show the nature of the powers we
have lost. In the year 1721, the officers of the
Honourable Company’s Ship, Cadogun, while
quietly walking in the street at Canton, were
seized by one of the Canton authorities, on ac¬
count of the accidental death of the Hoppo’s
officer. " A strong representation was made
by the supercargoes to the Hoppo. They stated
that unless immediate redress was afforded,
they should recommend the Company to re¬
move their commercial dealings from Canton to
some other port. The detenninatio]! evinced by
the supercargoes, and the apprehension of the
local authorities that they might lose the trade,
produced a good effect. The mandarin who
committed the affront was degraded from his
office, and a promise was given that he should
be bambooed, and rendered incapable of again
serving the Emperor.”* From the moment of
taking this false step, may be dated the com¬
mencement of a long series of intolerable op¬
pression and insult. Ignorant of the obvious
coiiscqueuces of the ill-advised measure in.

Auber, pp.

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA.

11

question,—of the all but irresponsible authority
of the unprincipled local authorities at Canton,
and the impossibility of appealing from them, or
gaining any kind of access to the Court at Pe¬
kin,—of the far-sighted cunning and indexible
pertinacity of the Chinese character,—we flung
ourselves, as it were, bound hand and foot into
their power. In vain have we from that period
to the present, reiterated our complaints, as im¬
position and insult assumed newand more galling
features. We have been either trifled with by
delusive promises, or repulsed with mockery
and threats of an aggravation of our injuries.
In answer to our feeble complaints, they shake
their heads, and coolly remark,—“ If the fo¬
reigners dislike our restrictions,* as difficult to
l)c endured, it is perfectly competent to them
not to take the trouble to come so great a dis¬
tance!” Again, theHoppo in 183} “Lately,
the English merchants have presented a petition
slating that the whole scope of the regulations
is at variance with the requisitions of justice—
thus whining, disputing, and contradicting, and
also requesting to appeal to the Emperor, not to
permit their being put in practice. This is ex¬
treme insolence and opposition. If the said pri¬
vate merchants really regard their property,
they ought indeed to trade on as usual: but if

Aiilwr, 332.

t Aulier, 300-7.

12 • I’KESENT EOSmOM AND PROSPECTS OF

they dislike the restraints imposed by the orders
of Government, and consider their own private
affairs to be disadvantageous, they may entirely
withdraw from the trade, and not trouble them¬
selves to come from a great distance, through
many countries of difterent languages.”—The
tone and spirit of these recent edicts, are worthy
of particular notice.

Another fatal and fundamental error discover¬
able in the administration of the East India
Company, has been its uniform,—its an.viously
pacific and submissive policy towards tiic
Chinese. In their excessive eagerness to se¬
cure their trade, they have been led, from time
to time, into making the most liumiliatiug and
dangerous concessions, ac<|uicscing in preten¬
sions on the part of the Chinese which were alike
inconsistent with individual and national honour;
the natural consequence of which was to place
themselves in an abject and degraded position,
ill the eyes of the Chinese, which could not
do otherwise than invite additional insult and
exaction. When the Court of Directors have
been pressed by their Canton representative.s,
whose dispatches constantly detailed the intlic-
tiou of the grossest insults and impositions, and
contained vehement expostulations on account
of their dogged adherence to an acquiescent and
submissive line of policy,—cogently represent¬
ing, at the same time, the uumcrous instances in

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA.

13

which vigorous and decisive measures had been
attended with complete success,—how did the
Court receive them, and reply ? At one time
hy a peremptory mandate for the dismissal and
return home of the spirited Select Committee;
at another hy rebuking their intolerance of in¬
sult and injury,—invariably, by the recommenda¬
tion of “ mild and pacific measures, demeanor,
and conductand all this on the plea of the ca¬
pital importance of preserving our trade. They
were sternly reminded that " our intercourse
with'China was exclusively of a commercial cha¬
racter"—and, in effect, that we ought therefore
not to resent treatment otherwise inconsistent
with the national honour. In January 1882, for
instance, the Directors, writing to the Select
Committee, in consequence of their representa¬
tions of many very serious transactions, vitally af¬
fecting the Jionourand interests of this country,
observe—•

“ The commerce between Great Britain and
China is too important to be put to hazard with¬
out the most urgent and imperious necessity,
and on no account, upon considerations of a
personal nature. It is of essential moment to
the Indian as well as to the liomc revenues,
both as regards the State and the East India
Company, as well as in the regular supply to
the British public of an article of general con¬
sumption. We sought that trade originally: the

J4 PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OF

advantages which it has yielded have induced
us to exert every endeavour to secure its con¬
tinuance.* The preservation of the national
honour, is in the hands of His Majesty’s Govern¬
ment; and it must be for the King’s Ministers
alone to take the responsibility of deciding upon
the adoption of extreme measures for vindicating
that honour, if insulted. These measures, if re¬
sorted to, will most materially atfect the valuable
interests at present dependent upon a peaceful
prosecution of our intercourse with China.” Is
it not clear from the spirit and tone of this dis¬
patch, and mauy similar ones,—enjoining “ en¬
durance” for “commerce’ sake” up to the point
of ‘ ‘ some urgent md imperious neemitp "—tliat it
amounted to a virtual and practical prohibition
of remonstrance or resistance, on anp ground?
Is it likely that in the face of such dispatches tlie
Select Committee would have ventured to incur
such immense responsibilities as those shadowed
out by the Directors ? Surely the concluding
paragraph is, in every sense, an unworthy one!
How vague and cold the allusion to the province
of “ His Majesty’s Government”—and even their
interference in vindication of the national ho¬
nour, represented as “ most materially affecting
the valuable interests of trade!” Can there be
a more artful or effectual way of conveying.

* Auber, 358-9. See also t4. pp. 281-2.

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA. *15

without seeding to do so, their real wishes,—i. e.
that in uo case should resistance be attempted,
let the Chinese do what they would ? Without
being anxious to fasten ungenerous imputations
upon the Directors of the East India Company,
one cannot help entertaining a suspicion that this
line of policy was dictated by a desire to fix the
Company firmly in the favour of the Chinese,
and render them reluctant to trade with Great
Britain through any other medium than one so
supple, so acquiescent, so “ peaceable!”*

This truculent, vain-glorious people have been
pleased to consider all other inhabitants of the
earth (as already intimated) as barijaiuans,—
destitute of all pretensions to civil, political, or
moral excellence. They will not permit them¬
selves to be polluted by these “ barbarians” in¬
termingling with them,—except to such au ex¬
tent and in such a manner a.s atfords them op¬
portunity for extracting from them a great re¬
venue, by means of Uie most unblushing
extortion.

“If an European commit any breach of the
laws, he is not taken before a magistrate to

• Mr. Auber quotes from the “ Report on China Trade"—
(Parliamentary Papers, &c.) with an air of triumph, that the
East India Company have been aUe “ to temporiie with the
Chinese, without loss of character!”—p. 398.

in PRKSENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS Ol'

answer for his conduct; but is subjected to
personal violence from mere underlings, or has
his Chinese servants taken away or imprisoned,
and his provisions stopped, till he submit to an
arbitrary mulct; which, on his refusal to pay,
is exacted from the Ilong merchant with whom
he may chance to have most dealings; and this
Hong merchant again, is imprisoned and his
trade stopped until he make good the arbitrary
demand,—the European never having a trial, or
an opportunity of justifying himself!

" Id like manner, an Euroj)ean has no access to
a magistrate or government functionary, to
claim redress for any outrage to which ho may
have been subjected, — overcharge of duties,
stoppage of trade, or other grievance, but must
appeal through the Hong merchants, who are
commonly the auiliors of the grievances suffered,
and who are able to tell their own story to the
Mandarin, without any countervailing state¬
ment from the Euroj>ean. The Hong merchants,
in short, ten or twelve in number, besides pos¬
sessing a monopoly of all European trade, are
vested with authority to govern Europeans,

‘ who ’ (to use the words of a Government edict)

‘ must not be allowed of their own accord to go
out and into their dwellings, lest they should
trade and carry on clandestine transactions with
‘traitorous natives.’ Nor after the departure of
their ships are they allowed to remain in Canton

THfe BRITISH TRADE Wrrk CHINA. 17

city, to find out the prices of goods, to make pur¬
chases, and acquire profit.”

The tinly terms on which they will suffer a
commercial intercourse to be carried on with
the frontiers, are an implicit acknowledgment of
its springing from the ** snnazing ^nd unmerited
condescension” of the Emperor'of China towards
his reverently-submissive tributary” the King
of England, and his •• barbarian and profligate
subjects.” It is true, that a few attempts have
been made to shake off such a badge of ignomi¬
nious servitude,—feeble, however, and few: the
occasions on which such manifestations have
been made, have been, too often, indiscreetly se¬
lected, and the ultimate results correspondingly
unfortunate. Of what avail were a few mo¬
mentary flashes of indignation and independ¬
ence, in the midst of a long and dark interval of
acquiescence and submission? The Chinese
came at length to treat such exhibitions as really
butthe spasmsof weaknera, however momentarily
formidable—as indications of the real extent of
their power over us. Listen to the language in
which the Company’s supercargoes are charac¬
terized by the Viceroy of Canton: " Good prin¬
ciples and solemn truths have no effect upon them ;
and I was compellefto intercept their trade—totouch
their gains; and no sooner was that done, than they
submitted. They are a mercenary gain-scheming
set of adventurers, whom reasoft cannot ruie. The

18 PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OP

dread of 7iot making money is that which alone m-
fiuences them."*

“ It will have been apparent,”-says even Mr.
Auber, speaking of the year 1791—“ from the
detail already given, that the Chinese, instead
of relaxing in their conduct towards the Eng¬
lish, since their first intercourse with Canton, in
consequence of the increased value of their
commerce, and the length of their connexion
with China, only inflicted additional imposi¬
tions on the trade, and,—as the supercargoes
justly stated,—acted as if they 'were awat'e that
the importance we attached to its continuance in¬
duced us to submit to almost every kind of in-
digtiity.”*-\

If such were the contemptuous opinion enter¬
tained and expressed concerning us by the Chi¬
nese in 1791,—the legitimate result of a series of
timorous submissions on our part,—how must we
reckon upon that opinion being now strengthen¬
ed I During the long period of our intercourse,
how many have been the indignities we have
either tamely submitted to, or—far worse—
feebly and inefiectually resisted I—how many
unwise compromises have taken place—how
much of individual and national insult — what
an extent of injury to our commercial interests

* Dr. MorriBOD’s Notices coocerniDg China.—Introd. pp.
6-7. Buonaparte, also, characterised us as a nation of shop¬
keepers !

t Auber, 192.

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA. 19

have been inflicted, on pretences equally ab¬
surd ! The vaunting tone assumed by the
Chinese when speaking of the foreign trade,—
repeatedly asserting it to be a matter of utter
insignificance,—that “ the celestial empire
viewS' them as really not of the importance of a
fibre or particle of dust,”* has been fearfully and
implicitly listened to, and credited by the East
India Company, and been ever present as a
bugbear at all their consultations at Leadenhall
Street, influencing them to repel all the indig¬
nant expostulations of their representatives at
Canton, and sternly enjoin upon them the
necessity of submission for the trade’s sake,”
—lest the interests of the Company’s trade
should suffer!” Vain, short-sighted, and ruin^^
ous policy! Not perceiving that the dreaded
cause of future mischief, was really only the ef¬
fect of their own former, and continuing miscon¬
duct and erroneous policy! Had they but paid
a just deference to the judgment of those whose
local opportunities and ex^^rience had qualified
them to form a sound judgment upon the matter,
they would, long—long s^o, have learnt that—
“ submission to insaU has shewn the Chinese how
valuable is the trade, and they have acted aocord-
ingly* in too many instances, in interrupting and
annoying it,—and hence, perhaps, has originated

* Viceroy's Edict, 25tli January, 1830,—Auber, 326.

c 2

20 PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECI’S OF

the erroneous supposition that to them the trade is
a matter of indifference.”* Hear again, the re¬
proachful and contemptuous language of the
Hoppo Chung in reply to the Committee’s letter
of October 28th, 1830, as affording melancholy
evidence of the results of long-continued sub¬
mission to Chinese outrage. The CcHnmittce
had complained bitterly of a proclamation—
(already hinted at)—of a most revolting nature,
annually stuck against their factory, and re¬
quested its removal:—

“ In the petition they say that the insulting
proclamation, suspended against the Company’s
Hong, has been reluctantly borne with for many
years, by foreign merchants... It has been stuck
Bp against the Conway's Hong for more than
thirty years. It did not commence to-day. • As
they say the language of the proclamation was
rather ignominious,— why did not the former bar¬
barian merchants early indulge their anger, and
with hearts dead to the subject, cease to come
again to knock-head at the service for an open
market? Why did they cross an immense
ocean, through numerous dangers, and every
year come ?”t

" The intercourse of foreign nations with the
Chinese,” says Holman, " is carried on under

• Extract, Cliina Coasuh. 7th Oct. 1830, — 2d Appen¬
dix to the 3d Report of the Select Committee of the House
of Commons, p. 457.

t 2d Appendix to tite 3*1 Report, &c. p. 427.

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA.

'21

every disadvantage which their ignorant pride
and vain confidence in their own resources, can
suggest. But the readiness with which they
yield to every strenuous opposition to their ex¬
clusive measures, while it points out the weak¬
ness of their character, aifords a convincing
proof qf the prejudicial consequence of too
pliant a submission to their jealous regulations.
Foreigners, whom they entitle Barbarians, are
invariably treated as inferiors; and the lowest
of the people are incited, by the language and
representations of their governors, to conduct
themselves with insolence, and even violence.”*
—One cannot help here pausing to notice how
noble a* contrast to this conduct has been and is
still exhibited by the English nation! Montes¬
quieu,” says Dlackstone, “ remarks with a de¬
gree of admiration, that the English have made
the protqption of foreign merchants one of the
articles of their national liberUes ; it being pro¬
vided by Magna Charta, that all foreign mer¬
chants, unless publicly prohibited beforehand,
shall have safe conduct to depart from, to come
into, to tarry in, and to go through England for
the exercise of merchandize,—without any un¬
reasonable imposts, except in time of war.”t—
But to return—

• Holman’s Voy. and Trav. 245.

t The merchaiils of the Hanso towns, established in Lon¬
don, enjoyed various privileges and immunities; they were

22' PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OP

The two co-operating causes above generally
alluded to, have produced results of a most un¬
fortunate description: and now,—at the very
moment when the firitish trade is placed upon
a new footing,—our merchants find themselves
in the most precarious and defenceless position
with reference not only to their commercia!’ in¬
terests, but even their personal safety,—that was
ever yet witnessed in China. The Chinese
have indeed profited by their long experience,—
their successful practices upon our credulity
and imbecility; and the advantages accruing to
them are of far too solid a description to be now

permitted to govern themseiTee by their own lawi and regula¬
tions; the custody of one of thegatesof the city (Dishoptgaie)
was committed to their care; and the duties on various sorts
of imported commodities were considerably reduced in their
favour. Ill 1474, the King assigned to them in absolute pro-
petty, a la^e space of ground, with tbe buildings upon it, in
Tbames-strect, now denominated the Bteel'yard. It was fur¬
ther stipulated, that they should not be subject to the judges
of the English Admiralty Court; also that the privileges
awarded to them should be published, as often as they judged
proper, in all the sea-port towns of England. These privileges
were not wholly abolished till the year 1597.— McCulloch's
CommeTCial Dictionary, p. 623.

In Turkey and some other countries characterised by an
imperfect state of civilization, such as then prevailed in Eng¬
land, and still does in China, immunities nearly similar are
enjoyed by foreign traders even at tbe present day. The
' Chinese alone seem to enjoy, as a monopoly, the undisputed
power of persecuting am? maltreatbg foreign merchants.

THt: UltlTISH TKADE WITH CHINA.

23

Sightly parted with. They will calculate, and
reasonably enough, upon a continuance of our
forbearance. They will make us feel, at every
point,—in every transaction, social and commer¬
cial—our abject dependence upon their sove¬
reign will and pleasure. Our position was
fearful enough in 1780,—^when the Company’s
Supercargoes thus wrote to the Directors:*—
" Foreigners are not here allowed the benefit of
the Chinese law, nor have they privileges in
common with the nation. They are governed
merely by such rules as the mandarins for the
time being declare to be their will; and the
reason why so few inconveniences happen, from
irregularities, is, that the officers of the Govern-
ment, on such occasions, rather choose to exact
money from the security merchants, compra¬
dors, Ikc. than use rigorous measures from which
they gain nothing. Their corruption, therefore,
is the foreigner’s security.” Again, on the 23d
February, 1815, the President of the Select
Committee at Canton thus writes to the Chair¬
man of the Court of Directors:—** There is in
fact no charge, of whatever nature it may be,
whether of treason against the state, or a viola¬
tion of the laws and regulations of the Empire,
that Chunqua may not procure to be alleged
against any member of the Committee; and
with the same facility, by means of the bamboo
or torture, any number of witnesses may be

24 PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OF

brought forward to attest the truth of the accu*
sation.”* In another communication, in the
same year, the Select Committee " offer further
melancholy proof of the total and entire absence
of truth, justice, or mercy from Chinese tri¬
bunals: and where the undue influence of money
is applied, all chance of a fair trial ceases to the
unfortunate person accused.*’t
If such were the state of matters in 1780 and
1815, when the potent influence of the East India
Company existed in its plenitude at Canton,
what may we not prepare to expect at the present
time, when the local influence of Great Britain
is withdrawn ? Let those who are disposed to
answer such a question lightly, reflect upon the
disastrous issue of the mission of Lord Napier 1
That our intercourse with China has con¬
tinued in a comparatively prosperous condition,
under the management of the East India Com¬
pany, is attributable solely to the judgment and
firmness occasionally displayed by the resident
representatives of the Company: but it is truly
painful to observe the reception which the intel¬
ligence of their conduct invariably met with at
Leadenhall Street.;^ They, whose local know-

* 2d Appendix to the 3d Report, See, p. 508.
t Extract Letter in the Secret Department, &c. 16th
Jan. 1315.—2d Append, dec. 538.

I See particularly the bitter complaint of the Select Com¬
mittee at Canton to the Directors, 18th November, 16ld.
Second Appendix, &c. pp. 531—5.

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA. 25

ledge and long experience surely best qualified
them for dealing successfully with the Chinese,
and effectually serving our interests, are found
to be most strenuous and iucessant in their re¬
commendations of a firm and resolute tone and
bearing being assumed by this country, in resist¬
ing similar demonstrations on the part of the
Chinese. Whatever may have been their in¬
clinations and preposse^ions previous to ac¬
quiring a thorough knowledge of the subject,
they no sooner had an opportunity of acquiring
a practical insight into the character and con¬
duct of the Chinese, thmi we find them earnestly
expostulating with the home authorities on
their constant inculcation of submission and
acquiescence. It may be instructive to detail a
few instances, out of a very great nuniber, that
are on record.

On the 22d February, 1614, the Select Com¬
mittee remark—

“ Carrying on an extensive commerce, suffi¬
cient to excite the rapacity of the officers of
Government, protected by no laws, but on the
contrary subject to such r^;ulations as are made
so vague and undefined, as to admit of any in¬
terference or interpretation that a corrupt or
despotic government may be disposed to give
them,—our only hope preventing the recur¬
rence of these attacks is by a firm and decided
resistance.” •

Second Appendix, &c. p. 487.

’26 PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OV

On the 4th December, in the same year:—
From the experience and knowledge we
possess of the government, We are satisfied that
their conviction that their jnjustice will not be
submitted to, is the only security we can possess
for these attempts being discontinued.” *

On the 6th February, 1815:—

"Your honourable Committee will no doubt
appreciate the difficulties and anxieties that
must attend our dififerences and discussions with
this Government. We feel, however, that they
are unavoidable; for on our firmly resisting
their unjust attempts can we alone depend on
these attempts ceasing to be made.”t
In 1823:—

The frequent recurrence of our present diffi¬
culties must be expected until some change
takes place in the footing upon which our inter¬
course with the Chinese is carried on. The
contempt of foreigners, engendered and fostered
by the abusive terms in which they are spoken
of by the officers of Government, the want of
police regulations, aud the defenceless state in
which we are placed, by the diffisulty of access
to the magistrates, leaves us exposed to assaults
of all descriptions: and if self-defence is not
received as a plea in cases of homicide, no in-

* Second Appendix, p. 524.
f Second Appendix.

THIS BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA. 2^

dividual can, for one instant, be considered
safe."*

On the 18th November, 1828:—

" After a mature deliberation upon the griev¬
ances, which we have detailed in the preceding
paragraph, we came to a determination, that it
was incumbent upon us to meet them by a strong
remonstrance, calculated to put a stop to further
aggression ; experience having proved, that no¬
thing can be expected to be obtained from the
Chinese by concession; which only becomes
an inducement to attempt further invasion of
privilegcs."t

On the 23d October, 1830:—

“ The Chinese autliorities have doubtless
been encouraged in tbeir demands by the two
instances of successful intimidation above re¬
lated : and were the slightest disposition of
concession evinced by us at the present moment,
it cannot be doubted that they would be em¬
boldened to proceed to fresh acts of aggression."
—“We therefore came to the determination
that firm and deliberate resistance to the line of
conduct followed by the government, afforded the
only hope of avoiding a sqpes of indignities and
insults, as well as of establishing the security of
person so essential to the conduct of the trade.”t

• Auber, p. ’297.

f Secoud Appendix, &c. p. 57(i.

: Second Appendix, Ac. |>. -442.

S!8 present position and PROSPECT'S or

On the Idth December, in the same year
“ We cannot avoid remarking, that the pro¬
ceedings of last year appear to have made a
considerable impression; ^nd it must be ad¬
mitted, as repeatedly demonstrated in the his¬
tory of our intercourse with this country, that a
firm opposition to the encroachments pf the
government generally, produces a favourable
inclination towards us, after the subjects in dis¬
pute are terminated.”*

In 1831

“ The existence of a powerful and influential
body in your representatives in this country, has
opposed the only check to the evils and embar¬
rassments to which foreign commerce is con¬
tinually exposed. Wt -believe that no effectual
remedy will be found for them, until it suit the
purposes or policy of Great Britain to assume, in
its turn, the attitude of dictation, which would
readily demonstrate the weakness of this Govern-
ment.”f

Truly, indeed, did the Select Committee ob¬
serve, in their despatch of the 26th January,
1830:—“That the more important, the more
valuable are the inte^psts at stake, the more do
they require the protection of firmness, .on
which our hopes of their security for the future

• Second Appendix, p. 444—5.
t Auber, p. 336.

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA.

caD alone be placed with confidence !”* Alas!
however, to what little purpose were all these
representations and remonstrances addressed
to the Committee at JLeadenhall Street!

Such, then, are the two principal sources from
which have long Sowed the serious incon-
veniencies and wrongs which the British traders
to China have now to encounter; and at this
peculiar conjuncture, at so great a disadvantage,
unless their just expectations from the Govern¬
ment of their country, be realized. They seek
nothing unreasonable, nothing inconsistent with
the welfare and honour of their country, nothing
unjust towards China, or calculated to disturb
the peaceful relations between that country and
Great Britain. Who, indeed, can have a deeper
sthke in the contrary line of policy, th*an those
whose interests, ** whose fortunes, and liveli¬
hoods,” as they themselves express it, are en¬
tirely dependent upon the preservation of our
commercial intercourse with China?

There can, or at least ought to be, but one
wish in this country, and that is, to cultivate the
China trade, on fair and honourable terms. The
only difference of opinion ^lat can arise, is as to
the mode of doing so. One class of persons is
found asserting that the. proper, the ouly mode
of doing so, is to buy tea of the Chinese on any
terms they choose to dictate, however degrading.

* Second Appendix, &c. p. 580.

.^0 PRESENT P(MlTION AND PROSPECTS Ol'

however absurd, however unreasonable, however
oppressive,—and be thankful! on the following
grounds: That the Chinese are a great, power¬
ful, and peculiar people, with whom it is purely
optional to continue or refuse permission I'ur us
to continue our intercourse, since they arc not,
nor ever were, or will be, bound by any treaty;
that, in the absence of any treaty, the law of
nations prohibits any attempt to enforce our
supposed claims upon the Chinese \ and that,
even were it otherwise, the Chinese having
never, as it were, eo'tered into the society of
nations, rightly refuse to recognize the law of
nations; that their peculiar character is such
as to render any attempt at coercive measures
both inhuman and abortive; and that, in short,
rather than abate an iota of their pretensiohs
and usages, in consequence of a threatening
demonstration of foreign force, the Emperor of
China, to adopt the wild and chimerical sug¬
gestion of Mr. Auber^, "following the alleged
example of one of his predecessors, when the
cultivation of cotton became the occasion of dis¬
turbances in ordering the plant to be

destroyed, might deal injhe same mannerwith tea !"

* Auber, p. 402.—‘'The growth of tea is chiefly confined
to hilly tracts not suited to tbegrowUi of corn,”— M'CuUoch.

And yet a writer pretending to acquaintance with the sub¬
ject, has gravely stated bis apprehension lest the Chinese
should be induced, by our refractoriness, (o convert their tea
plantations into rice jfieldi!

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA. Sli

It is believed that the foregoing paragraph
contains a faithful statement of the general
principles upon which the policy of the East
India Company was based,—of the views now
entertained by those whose interests are iden-
,tical with those of the late Company, and who
are actuated by feelings of hostility towards
those now prosecuting the trade upon the new
system. It is the object of the ensuing pages
to demonstrate shortly the fallacy of all such
reasonings,—to appeal, in doing so, from the
ignorant and prejudiced, to the liberal and intel¬
ligent portion of the community; and guard
them against the artful mhrepresentations pro¬
pagated by bigotry and self-interest.

** As regards China,” observes Mr. Auber,
" we resort to a country in which we have not a
foot of ground, and where we are confined to
one port, at which our permanent residence is
doubtful. The habits, manners, and cus¬

toms are quite foreign to our own. Their laws
are also frequently violated by those who are
[appointed to be] their administrators and guar¬
dians ; where their treatment of foreigners is
proverbially contemptuous; and in their com¬
mercial dealings they have no scruple at impo¬
sition, if circumstances favour the practice.
Such is the people with whom we seek to main¬
tain an intercourse. China has rejected

every effort made by us, as well as by almost

52 PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OF •

every other European state, to form a commer¬
cial intercourse with her, upon those principles
which govern commercial relations with other
countries.”*

So speaks the late Secretary of the East
India Company; and his observations are in-
contestibly correct, except the last, which is
cmly partially so. It may be readily admitted,
as an abstract proposition, that however unrea¬
sonable and faithless they may be, no attempt
could be justifiable to gain by force a settle¬
ment in their territory. It has become, how¬
ever, a matter very important to ascertain, how
far the Chinese are bound, by their conduct
during a long series of years, while in the course
of reaping the benefits of a commercial inter¬
course, which they themselves have uniformly
sanctioned by acquiescence, and even invited,
as will be presently shewn, by professions of
good will, and readiness to carry on trade with
us, on the faith of which we have been induced
to enter into vast speculations, to construct a
system of commercial dealings on a very expen¬
sive and permanent scale, for the supply to this
country of an article of indispensable use to our
population, and an almost indispensable source of
revenue to our Government; involving the for¬
tunes, and even livelihoods, of hundreds of thou-

* Auber, pp. 38-9.

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA. SS

sands of persons, tlie subjects of a great and in¬
dependent nation ; whether from all this is not to
be implied a tacit agreement on the part of the
Chinese, to carry on trade with us on equitable
principles; such an one, in short, as, if broken,
• will warrant us in compelling an observance of
good faith; of that “ customary law which,
from motives of convenience, has by tacit but
implied agreement, prevailed, not generally in¬
deed, among all nations, nor with so paramount
utility as to become a portion of universal volun¬
tary law; but enough to have acquired a prescrip¬
tive obligation amongst certain states, so situated
as to be mutually benefited by It.”*

But, it ,18 said, the Emperor of China has an
unquestionable right to permit or refuse us in¬
tercourse with his dominions; to impose such
conditions as he may think fit; and that where no
treaty exists, nothing prevents him from, at any
time he pleases, withdrawing, restraining, or
modifying such permission.! Such observations
as these are, it is conceived, quite beside the
real question now in dispute: which is, not
what were the original rights of China, as an
independent nation,—what she might have
done, or refused to do, in the first instance ;
but, what are the rights of China, now; whether
her own acts have not restricted and limited
those rights, and imposed upon her certain obli-

* Vattel, Prelim, note 7, f Auber, pp. 39. 394-5.

D

34 PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS Of

gations, and subjected her to certain liabilitiesi
from which the principles of justice,—of the law
of nations,—forbid her to retreat.

Were it necessary to resort to abstract rea¬
soning upon the subject, the following short
paragraph, from a distinguished writer, (Vattel)
might be referred to, as containing a striking
statement of the principles regulating mutual
commerce between nations. “All men ought
to find on earth the things they stand in need of.
In the primitive state of communion, they took
them wherever they happened to meet with
them, if another had not before appropriated
them to his own use. The introduction of
dominion and property could not deprive men
of so essential a right; and consequently, it
cannot take place without leaving them, in
general, some mean of procuring what is useful
or necessary to them. This mean is commerce;
by it every man may still supply his wants.—
Things being now become property, there is no
obtaining them without the owner’s consent;
fior are they usually to be bad for nothing; but
they may be bought or exchanged for other
things of equal value. Men are, therefore, wider
an obiigation to carry on that commerce with each
other, if they wish not to depart from the views of
nature. And this obUgalion extends also to whole
nalionSr or states. It is seldom that nature is-
seen to produce in one place, all that is ncces-

THK BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA.

35

sary for the use of man. One country abounds
in corn, another in pastures and cattle, a third
in timber and metals, 8cc. If all these countries
trade togetlier, as is agreeable to human nature,
no one of them could be without such things as
are useful and necessary; and the views of
nature, our common mother, will be fulfilled.
Further,—one country is fitter for some kinds
of product than another; as, for instance, fitter
for the vine than for tillage. If trade and barter
take place, every nation, on the certainty of
procuring what it wants, will employ its land
and Us industry m the most ads^antageous
manner, and mankind in general prove gainers
by it. Such are the foundations of the general
obligation incumbent bn nations, reciprocally td
cultivate commerce.”*

Without discussing thb question, whether
the Chinese are absolutely warranted, in justice
to their fellow-nations, in shutting out all the
rest of the world from any participation in the
benefits of so prodigious a portion of the most
desirable parts of the earth,—even when that
participation would be attended with corre¬
sponding advantages to themselves,—it may be
contended that China has long since surrendered
such rights, and is no longer in a position to
enforce them, as against the British nation;

* Vattcl, Book II. Chap.ii. Sect. 21.

D 2

f

3(5 PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OP

that her conduct, during the last century or two,
has amounted, not merely to a simple per¬
mission to us to carry on our trade with her,
but has conferred upon us perfect rights, such
as are accompanied by the right- of compelling
the fulfilment of the corresponding obligations.
“ But,” it may be objected, in the language of
Vattel, “ a simple permission to carry on com¬
merce with a nation, gives no perfect riglit to
that commerce; for, if I merely and simply
permit you to do any thing, I do not give you
any right to do it afterwards in spite of me.—■
You may make use of my condescension as long
as it lasts; but nothing prevents me from
changing my will.’** This proposition of
Vattel’s, guarded even as it is in its terms,
must be taken, subject to considerable limita¬
tions. If nation A, by a long course of conduct
in commercial intercourse, from which she has
derived great advantages, leads nation B to
form the reasonable presumption that she will
continue such intercourse on equitable terms,
on the strength of which, nation B goes to great
expense, and incurs a heavy risk in constructing
a permanent commercial establishment,—surely
nation A can never be at liberty, in such a case
as this, which can never be called a case of
“ mere simple permission," arbitrarily to “ change
her will!"

* Yaitel, Book 1. Chap. 8. Sect. 94.

THK BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA. 37

It is a reasonable and salutary rule of our
municipal law, that a party shall always be
bound by his admissions, when they have been
such as have induced a third party to alter his
conduct ;* and that as strong an admission may
be implied from mere silence and acquiescence,
whilst certain acta relating to the observing
party’s rights are being done, as could be
founded on the most explicit declarations and
acknowledgmeuts.f These are maxims founded
on common sense, on justice, on the fitness of
things; and, as the observance of them, there¬
fore, between man and man, is inculcated by
our municipal law, so there is no reason what¬
ever why they should not be equally beneficially

• Hearne v. Rogers, 9 B. & C. 577.

t See tlic cases of Jarrau v. Leonard, 2 Maule A: Selwyn’s
Rep. 2d5. Mon isv. Burdelt, I Campbell's Kep. 218: and
Starkic’s Evidence, vol. ti. 97.—Thus, the member of a
trade, tlie constant course of which » to give credit, cannot
turn round upon his customer, and say, ** I insist upon be¬
ing paid in ready money.” Our courts, in such a case,
would answer, that the customer lias n right to assume that
liC was dealing upon the usual terms. Again, according to
the ordinary rule of English law, the member of a hrm may,
if he please, dissolve the partnership immediately, by his
secession: but if long leases have been taken, and heavy
expenses incurred for the acconimodation of the firm, this
rule is ch.^nged,—and the law then presumes that there was
a liinding though tacit agreement tliat the partnership shouhl
continue as long as the |>criod specified for the coiuiiuiaiu'e
of the lease.—Sec Smilk’s Mercamile Law, p. 0.

38 PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OF

applicable to nation and nation,- which, as all
jurists admit, are *'moral persons, possessing an
understanding and a will peculiar to themselves,
and being susceptible of obligations.”* Let us,
now, apply these principles to the case of
Great Britain and China.

From whatever motive, the Viceroy of
Canton, so early as the year 1678, “ invited
the English to settle a factory there ;”t 1”

1806, we find the Emperor of China thus
writing to his "reverently submissive tributary”
the King of Great Britain:—" Your Majesty's
Kingdom is at a remote distance beyond the
seas, but is observant of it$ duties, and obedient
to its laws; beholding from afar the glory of
pur Empire, and respectfully admiring the per*

fection of our Government.With regard to

^hose of your Majesty’s subjects who, for a long
course of years, have been in the habit of
trading to our Empire, we must observe to you,
that our celestial Government regards all persons
and nations with eyes of charity and benevo¬
lence, and always treats and considers your
subjects with the utmost indulgence and affec¬
tion. On their account, therefore, there can be
no place or occasion for the exertions of your
Majesty’s Government.’’^—There are many

• Vatlcl, Prelim, Sect. 1.

i Milburo, vol. ii. |>.-108, Istvd.

t Aubcr, 217-8.

TH£ BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA.- *39

indications of a simiJar disposition on the part
of the Emperor of China towards the British
traders, to be found in the history of our inter¬
course; but it is not necessary to cite them.
It is sufficient for the argument, that from
motives of convenience and advantage to bis
people, the Emperor has permitted us to trade
with them for nearly a couple of centuries; and,
jointly with ourselves, has organized a very
extensive, costly, and effective machinery for
carrying it on. .Millions on millions have been
thereby interchanged between the two nations;
British capital, to an immense extent, has been
embarked in the traffic; we are content to
carry it on at a very great disadvantage,—com¬
pelled, for instance, as we are, to travel ten
thousand miles thither and back again, and to
incur all the risks of so many and such
perilous voyages. Having done all this, with
the knowledge and consent of the Chinese
Government, we now deny their right abruptly
and arbitrarily,—either directly and with vio¬
lence, to expel us from China; or, equally
effectually to attain that object, by imposing
ruinous exactions, and inflicting such insults
and degradations as would render it impossible
for us, with a due regard either to individual
or national honour, to continue our intercourse.

It is a sound and settled principle of law,,
applicable equally to nations and individuals,.

40 PRESENT POSITION AnI!^ PROSPECTS OF

that no one shall be permitted to do that
indirectly, which it would be unlawful to do
directly. Should, therefore, China attempt to
pursue this latter course, she would sin against
justice.* Is it excusable, on any principles of
common equity, that the Chinese should be
at liberty to continue our trade upon the pre¬
carious footing upon which it has long stood,
and still stands;—that our ships, laden with
most valuable cargoes, alter a six months’
voyage, should be suddenly prohibited from
entering the Canton river; and, when on the
point of return, freighted with tea, after having
paid all the enormous and dishonest duties
exacted from them, should be forbidden to
leave it, at the mere caprice of the local
authorities, on grounds the most ridiculous and
wicked?—A trumpery affray between a drunken
Chinese and a foreign sailor; a thoughtless
violation of some petty and oflen vexatious
Chinese custom; a dispute between the Viceroy
and some Hong Merchant, as to the amount of
duties claimed ;—and the whole trade is stopped:
—“whole fleets detained when on the point of
sailing T’t “ In the situation in which trade is
placed, it is liable to be interrupted at the ca-

* See a striking suggestion contained in ttie Narrative of
•Mr. Chapman. Appendix to Lords’ Rep. p. 264.

+ Auber, p. 296.

THE BRITISH {TRADE WITH CHINA. 4*1

price of one individual; and, should the Viceroy
for the time being chance to be rather more
ignorant, and, at the same time, more violent in
disposition, than his predecessor, a complete in¬
terruption to the trade must inevitably ensue.”*

Surely, conduct such as this amounts to a
gross violation of the implied contract between
the two nations;—one based, as we have seen,
“ on a tacit consent or convention of the nations
that observe it towards each other.”t The
authorities on national law agree that, in ana¬
logy to the regulations of municipal law, there
must bo a reasonable notification in point of
time, of the intention not to be bound by this
customary law.J ** Any state, on giving notice
that she chooses no longer to abide by a
particular custom, may set it aside, provided
the time that she selects for this notification
be not where a case may have arisen, or be
contemplated, upon which the custom would
operate.”!!

Unless, therefore, we are to discard all prin¬
ciples of right reasoning and sound construction
of the rights and liabilities existing between

* Second App., &c. p. 50S.

t See authorities cited in the case of Beuest v. Pipon;
Knapp’s Rep., 67, and Martin’s Law of Nations, 356.
Fennings v, Lord Grenville, I Taunt. 2-18.

X Id. Ibid.

li See 1 Chit. Commcrc. Lav, p. 29.

4^ PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OF

nations, we have abundant evidence to show
that China has contracted—has imposed upon
herself—the obligation of continuing to us a per¬
mission to trade with her, on fair and reasonable
terms. “ But,” it is said, '* there is no treaty —
and in the absence of a treaty, there cannot ex¬
ist any such obligation as that spoken of.” It is
true that there is no formal treaty solemnly and
in so many words agreed U|>on between the two
nations; that the Emperor chooses now to reject
all attempts to procure one. Surely, however,
we are warranted in contending, that in analogy
to another regulation of our municipal law,—
one of obvious reasonableness and utility,—
a right of way over the ground of another,
which after a certain number of years’ use, con¬
fers by prescription, an indefeasible right to th6
enjoyment of that right of way, and is supported
by the supposition of an original deed of grant
of that easement;—the tradewhich the Emperors
of China have suffered to be carried on for
nearly a couple of centuries, may be reasonably
presumed to have had its origin in a treaty—
even of the most explicit and formal description.
Let it be borne in mind s^ain and again, that the
advantages of this trade are not all on one side,
but reciprocal—and have been acknowledged
to be so, by China. It is mere trilling to talk
other being now at liberty to disregard the law
of nations, on the ground of her having never

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA. 43

deigned to recognize it. She has been long too
far committed by her conduct towards this
country. We have already seen that in 1678
she invited us to settle a factory at Canton; the
Emperor has himself personally—and repeatedly
through his Viceroy—sanctioned our inter¬
course, and even laid down the terms on which
it might be carried on. In 1715 the super¬
cargoes stipulated for eight articles or condi¬
tions, according to which the trade might be
carried on with China, and which were deliber¬
ately and solemnly conceded.* Passing over
many other instances, we find, at length, a com¬
plete recognition of our trade, in the Chinese
Government’s requisition to this country, in
consequence of the meditated abolition of the
East India Company’s charter,—calling upon
us to send out forthwith to China ** a chief,”
[i. e. a Superintendent,] whom the Canton au¬
thorities might recognize and deal with as such
—and who, as we shall shortly see, was accord¬
ingly sent. And in the face of all this we are
told that we are without any remedy, however
injured or insulted by the Chinese—“ for that
they are in no wise bound to continue their in¬
tercourse one moment beyond what pleases
them! ” Is it not an outrage on common sense

■* Nearly all of whirl), bowerer,—as far as they were be-
ncAcial to us,—have been since abrogated.

44 PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OF

and common honesty to hold that they ought to
be at liberty thus to play fast and loose with us ?
They have an adequate ** consideration,” to
adopt an English law>tcrm, for entering into the
contract, in the revenue they derive, and will
derive at all times hereafter, from our trade—
and their obligation is therefore complete. Let
them occasionally indulge in what rhodomon-
tade they will, in affected disdain of the benefits
of trade, experience abundantly proves that
they are as sensible of them as we are,—and, if
need be, even prepared to make considerable
sacrifices to secute its continuance. The corn-
pulsory removal of our trade would be followed
almost immediately by infinite disorder in
China; for is it likely that the people would
quietly submit to the loss of so fruitful a source
of employment and subsistence? “ We beg to
draw the attention of your Honourable Commit¬
tee,” say the Select Committee (24th Sept.
1814), “to the anxiety shewn to recal Sir
George Staunton, as affording a proof that how¬
ever the Chinese Government may declare in
their edicts that do benefit arises to the Chinese
Empire from the foreign trade, and that it is per¬
mitted only from pure benevolence; yet when
endangered from their unjust proceedings, pro¬
perly and firmly resisted, it will be found that
they are most fully aware of the reciprocal ad¬
vantages of commerce, and most anxious for its

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA. ^5

preservation.*’* To say noticing, however, of
prudential considerations on the part of the Em¬
peror of China,—it must be conceded that he lies
under a moral and political obligation to con¬
tinue to us a commercial intercourse with his
people, on equitable principles. Whoever
grants to another a particular privilege, is con¬
sidered also as conferring, by implication, all
the means necessary for the complete enjoy¬
ment of it: and if it is clear that the Emperor of
China is under an obligation to suffer our trade
to continue, he is also bound to secure to us the
means necessary for carrying it on with safety
—subject, of course, to those laws and customs
of the Empire which are not glaringly inconsist¬
ent with honour and good faith. But how
stands the fact? We have already seen the
President of the Select Committee complaining
to the Court of Directors, in 1816, of the fearful
extent to which the properties, liberties, and
even lives of foreigners were in the power of the
local authorities at Canton,—the arbitrary and
reckless manner in which they exercise their ir¬
responsible authorities; and similar language
might be adopted in characterizing the conduct
of the Chinese from that period up to the pre¬
sent. The trade is bowed down with the most
grievous and increasing exactions; personal

Second Appendix, dec. p. 527.

4'6 PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OK

liberty is constantly restricted within narrower
limits.* Accusations—as we have seen—of the
most disgusting and dreadful description are
publicly preferred against our innocent country¬
men, in formal proclamations and edicts, with
the view of making them hateful to the lower
orders of the Chinese.

'* It is almost impossible,” says Mr. Holman,
‘‘ to convey to the reader an accurate idea of the
insulting nature of these edicts, by any means
^hort of printing them in full; but the inde¬
cencies to which they bear reference, and the
gross language in which they are clothed, would
render such a course reprehensible. In one of
these proclamations they charge the Britisli
merchants with the worst description of levity
and vice—and found upon this pretence, an ex*
tuse for depriving them of the use of native ser¬
vants, whom they strictly forbid the local au¬
thorities to permit them to bire.”t

* Occasionally the gentlemen land on the opposite side
6f the river for the pleasure of a walk; but in such cases
they run the risk of being insulted and even assaulted by
the natives, who follow there with coarse invectives, and
hften carry their hostility so far as to throw stones at them.
tVhenever they leave their boats, they seldom escape injury,
and even on the river, in passing, the rude and audacious
natives will sometimes fling stones and missiles at the fo¬
reigners.—Holman, vol. hr. p. 74.

f Voyages and Travels, vol. it. pp. 107-8.

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHiJfA. 4’?'

“ The Chinese assauU either the ships, or
their boats”—say the Select Committee, in
1823—"and when they meet with a return, de¬
mand large suras of money for wounds!~hy
working on our timidity to offend the recent im¬
perial edict on the subject of the liability of
foreigners to suffer death, even though the
hazard of their own lives requires their defence.
The success which their extortions have occa¬
sionally met with, invites the return of new as¬
saults. That all ranks of Chinese are sensible
of our situation in this r^pect, is too clearly
evinced by the perpetrating of such dangerous
impositions by many in a very low class of life;
and the reward that success in their demands
sometimes affords, is a sufficient inducement to
attempt it, without any consideration as to the
result—occasioning consequences the most pre¬
judicial to the commerce, and even the lives of
foreigners.”*

Again, in the same year, we find the Select
Committee continuing their complaints:—

" Thus we see our situation, clearly made re¬
sponsible for the acts of between two and three
thousand individuals who are daily coming in
contact with the lowest of the Chinese, and ex¬
posed to assaults so wanton, and oiten so bar¬
barous, as well as to robberies so extensive, that

* Second Appendix, &c. p. 567.

48 PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OF

self-defence imposes upon them Uie necessity of
attacking their- assailants in a manner from
which death must often ensue. A great and im¬
portant commerce is instantly suspended—
whole fleets, at times detained—ourselves liable
to seizure—and to be the medium of surrender¬
ing a man to death whose crime is only self-
defence, or obedience to orders, or else to lend
ourselves to the most detestable falsehoods, in
order to support a fabricated statement which
may save the credit of the officers of the China
Government. Can the Honourable Company
wish their servants and their trade to remain in
this degraded—this dangerous situation ?”* It
would be an easy matter, alas! to swell the cata¬
logue of such grievances. They meet the eye
of the inquirer at every page of the documents
relating to Anglo-Cbinese affairs; and are calcu¬
lated to make one’s heart swell at once with
astonishment at the supineoess of the British
Government, and with indignation at the auda¬
cious and unprincipled conduct of the Chinese.
At the moment that generous and flattering
speeches concerning foreigners are flowing from
the royal lips, at Pekin, those unoffending and
too-conflding foreigners are subjected to the
most systematic oppression at Canton! Their
persons and properties are placed in perpetual

* Anber, 293-4.

THE BRITISH THADE WITH CHINA. 41)

jeopardy; their characters are defamed, in terms
insufferable even to be thought of; a series of
petty personal provocations and annoyances is
kept up unceasingly; the laws of nature are out¬
raged—for their wives are separated from their
husbands,* and compelled to reside eighty miles
off—at Macao—an insult perfectly gratuitous;
the laws of China are forbidden to be appealed
to; the regulations of trade are so contrived as
to secure the most grievous atid increasing impo¬
sitions ; the whole trade is stopped in the most
capricious and injurious manner; and, under all
these circumstances, how can a British mer¬
chant continue to carry on lus commercial pur¬
suits at Canton, but at the sacrifice of his per¬
sonal safety and self-respect? Where is tliere
to be found any law, either of nature or nations,
justifying such a state of things as this ? There
is, as Lord Maiisheld used to say, no magic in
words —and we must recollect that Uic " law of
nations” is but " the just and rational applica¬
tion of the law of nature to the affairs and
conduct of nations”'!'—and that it is a funda¬
mental maxim of. that ** natural law, that it is
the duty of nations to fulfil their engagements,

* In this respect British nMrchauts in China are worse off
than yien even our West Indian slaves, who were protected by
act o^nliamcnt from such a refinement in persecution as the
compulsory separation of wives from their liusbands.

f Vattet, Preface- prope istfwm.

e

50 PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OP

whether express or tacit."* China is a large
and fortunate branch of the great family of man¬
kind,—but she is not therefore exempt from the
obligations of that law which God himself has
prescribed for the conduct of his creatures. Is
the avalanche less subject to the law of gravita¬
tion, than the minute particles that may happen
to be detached in its descent ? In vain shall
China attempt, much longer, to insist upon
such selBsh and unnatural pretensions and im¬
munities ; there are those upon the earth who
will not tolerate her arrogance, or wickedness;
who will rise and resent those injuries which
WE have meanly submitted to for centuries.f
Is, then, the trade of China to be continued,
and on terms consistent with the honour of the
British nation? If the voice of Great Britain
answer this question in the affirmative, a very
different tone and style of policy must be forth¬
with assumed, from that which has hitherto so
unfortunately been adopted. Great as are the

• Vattel, Preface, p.swi.

t The Chinese have, on various occasions, fully recog¬
nised the obligations of the law of nations. The ambas¬
sadors of Shah Rokh Mirza had brought as a present to the
Emperor, a noble horse, which, unfortunately, threw the Em¬
peror in hunting. That great and just personage ordered
the ambassadors to be loaded with chains. Their death
even was apprehended, but the Emperor pardoned them,
yielding to the entreaties of his ministers, who represented
to him the disgrace of violating the law of nations, in the
person of an ambassador.—See Auber, p. 72.

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH (;HINA.

51

sacrifices we have made to secure this valuable
trade, long as we have carried it on, important
as are the relations and responsibilities it has
entailed upon us, we should forfeit for ever our
character in the society of nations, whose eyes
are upon our movements in this matter,—were
we, on light grounds, now to succumb to the
Chinese,—to be bullied and terrified by their
absurd swagger and mrs of intimidation, into a
surrender of our just and hard-earned rights and
privileges. At the present moment these con¬
siderations press upon us with uncommon force.
Having seen dt recently to alter altogether our
system of commercial intercourse with China,—
a measure which must be presumed to have
been thoroughly and wisely considered before
it was adopted,—we shall become the laughing¬
stock of the world, if the direct effect of our
elaborate legislation be, either to shut us out
altogether from China, or place our intercourse
upon an infinitely more precarious, oppressive,
and ignominious footing Uian ever,—as will in¬
fallibly be the result, if we be not now fully alive
to the nature of our claims upon China, and pre¬
pared to assert them with resolution and vigour.
Is there any one who doubts the justice of these
observations ? Let him meditate upon a recent
illustration of their truth,—the melancholy and
most humiliating reception and fate of Lord
Napier! The death of that nobleman,—the

E 2

52 PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OF

insult offered, through his person, to the King of
Great Britain,—is yet unavevoed! Not a
syllable of remonstrance or of threat has it yet
called forth from the British Government!
Surely this outrageous transaction cannot be
duly known or appreciated in this country.

Lord Napier was sent out to China at the
express instance of the Chinese Government.*

In 1831, the Viceroy of Canton stated, in an
edict, issued with reference to the change which
he understood as likely to take place in the
mode of carrying on the British trade:—

" I hereby issue an order to the Hong Mer¬
chants, that they forthwith enjoin my command
on the said nation’s Chief, early to send a letter
home, that if, indeed, after the thirteenth year
of Taou Kwang, the Company be dissolved, it
will, as heretofore, be incumbent to deliberate
and appoint a chief who understands the busi¬
ness, to come to Ciutlon, for the general manage¬
ment of the commercial dealings; by which
means affairs may be prevented from going to
confusion, and benefits remain to commerce.” j'

His Lordship was ordered by our Government

_ ■ _ __ *

• The Order in Council (9tli December, 1833,) referring
to this circumstance, staled, *'Umt it was expedient that
effect should be giren to such reasonabU demands of the
Chinese Government.” This is as it should be. Would that
it might be considered as an intimation that henceforth this
country would acquiesce only in the •* reasonable" demands
of the Chinese!

* Auber, p. 335.

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA.

•53

to reside within the limits of the port of Canton
and not elsewhere. On his arrival at Canton,
the Viceroy refused to receive his letter, an¬
nouncing his mission, unless it were sent through
the Hong Merchants,—a step which Lord
Napier, for sufficient reasons, declined to adopt.
His right to proceed to Canton, without an ex¬
press permit, was disputed, though European
boats had for years past been permitted to do so,
without any necessity for such a document.
After three or four weeks’ negotiation on this
point, all British trade was stopped from the
IGth August till the 27th of September, to the
grievous injury of the British merchants having
valuable cargoes then in port, and waiting at the
mouth of the Canton river, till permitted to enter
the port. During this period, the Chinese went
the length of interdicting ail supply of provisions
to Lord Napier, and cut off his communication
with the ships of war. His health, under these
harassing circumstaDce.s, began to suffer to
such a degree, that it became accessary to re¬
move him from Canton,—the only means of
effecting which, was in a Chinese boat, provided
by the Government, who wantonly detained the
dying Nobleman live days on the passage from
Canton to Macao, ordinarily accomplished in
two days, subjecting him, at the same time, to
other indignities and cruelties; under the com¬
bined effects of which he sunk, and expired

54 PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OF

shortly afterwards at Macao. Such was the
audacious treatment experienced at the hands
of the Chinese, of the representative of the King
of Great Britain,—despatched at the express
instance of the Chinese! Such the insults
offered to the British nation, and submitted to
in meekness and silence!* Such is an indica¬
tion of the spirit which animates the Chinese
towards the British traders, at the present im¬
portant conjuncture,—such the degraded and
insecure position occupied by the latter! What
insult or injury is there which the Chinese may
not, after this, consider themselves capable of
inflicting upon the British trader, with impu¬
nity ? What must be their opinion of the spirit
of Great Britain, indeed so “ reverently submis¬
sive,” to conduct so audacious as this? Drop¬
ping, however, for a moment, all considerations
as to the decency—the policy of such subrais-

* “ It mny afford an useful illustration of the insolence of
the Chinese authorities, and their impudent bravado,” says
Mr. Holman, “ to add, that an edict was issued by the Eni'
peror, when he received the Report of the Governor, (in
which all the circumstances relating to the uffuir of Lord
Napier were detailed in a most distorted manner, and in a
style at once false and esa^erated), ordering that part of
the honours which the Governor and his ofEcers had been
deprived of for their previous neglect, should now be restored
to them, for the course they bad taken; but particularly for
' ‘ having driven the barbarian eye (Txird Napier) and others
out of the port— Jhlman’s V&g. vol. iv. p. 176.

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA.

^5

sioR and acquiescence with reference to the
national honour, let us inquire what will be its
direct effect upon the position and interests of
the trade. It is itnpc^ble to foresee to what
lengths of outrage and oppression the Canton
authorities may be emboldened to proceed,
should their unwarrantable treatment of His
Majesty's representative be permitted to pass
without even a show of remonstrance: the con¬
sequence of which, it is but too probable, would
soon be developed in such a systematic aggra¬
vation of existing evils, as would lead to con¬
stant collisions and stoppage of trade. WJicn
these interruptions occurred during the East
India Company’s monopoly, their united influ¬
ence and capital enabled them sometimes to
make a stand against the Chinese, and to sus¬
tain the heavy commercial losses attendant on
the struggle. Widely ditferent, however, would
be the case under present circumstances; when
the free traders, pursuing each his separate and
disunited view, and having no common head
recognized by the Chinese, must fall a sacrifice,
in detail, to their well-combined machinations.
There is, indeed, a painful probability of these
apprehensions being realized, unless the British
Government bestir itself betimes in the matter.
If the Chinese .seize upon the present moment,—
the present critical {xjsition of our commercial
relations,—to inflict any injury upon our traders

56 I'BESfiNT POSITION AND PROSPECTS Oi

that avarice and insolence combined can dic¬
tate, surely it is, corr^pondingly, the duty of
our Government, at the same trying moment, to
make a drm and dedsive demonstration in
favour of our oppressed fellow-subjects at
Canton. Surely it should be the pride, as it is
certainly the interest and duty, of a wise Govern¬
ment to preserve, as well as to extend the com¬
mercial advantages which may have been ac¬
quired by the energy and enterprise of its people.
“ The prince," says the illustrious commentator
upon the laws of England, is always under a
constant tic (o protect bis natural-born subjects
at all times and in all places;”* more especially
when they are engaged in so vast a national
enterprise as that of the China trade, and that
in the manner and on the system specially
appointed by tlieir Government. A heedless,
timorous, or temporizing policy now adopted
towards such a people as the Chinese, who have
recently evinced such symptoms of contempt
and injustice towards us, would not only be
attended with the most destructive consequences
to the trade, but reSect intense dishonour upon
the national character, — inviting additional
aggression. Even the peaceful, pliant and con¬
ciliatory Directors of the East India Company
ventured more than once to hint their right to

* 1 Blackst. Comm. Book I. c. 10, p. 570.

THK BRITISH TBADR WITH CHINA.

57

resent the injurious conduct of the Chinese.
“ If the Chinese Govemraent,” said the Court
Directors in 1816, **were, in an unfriendly
inhospitable spirit, by intquitabk conduct to
force to a close a pacific intercourse which has
subsisted so long, and in which this country has
embarked so great a ceqfital, it could hardly
to resent such a harsh and injurious proceed¬
ing.”* Two years afterwards, we find them
roused for-a moment from their lethargy by
some fresh recital of grievances, and intimating,
“ that they were not in any degree inclined to sur¬
render or abandon the imtnunities and privileges
hitherto enjoyed by our factory, and to which

THE IMPERIAL EDICTS HAVE RECOGNIZED
OUH JUST CLAIMSP’f

Why then should not the British Govern¬
ment appear promptly and decisively in sup¬
port of such interests as arc at stake, even, if
necessary, to a degree of sternness, in the asser¬
tion of our rights against such lawless invasion ?
“ Because,”— say tlie East India Company,
and those who adopt their mode of thinking,—
“ it may throw the Emperor into a sublime
sulk, and that would lead to our sudden and
final exclusion from their commerce.” This
answer, before alluded to, first of all admits
most unwarrantably that we have not hitherto

• Auber, p. 'ISl.

+ Ibid. 280.

58 PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OF

acquired any rights against the Chinese, which
is directly at variance with the above-cited
declarations of the Directors themselves in their
despatches in 1816 and 1818 ;—secondly, that
so do we value the tea-trade that we are
willing to carry it on under all possible dis¬
advantageous and dishonourable terms; or,
lastly, that having a valid right, on the princi¬
ples of moral and international law, we have
not the power or spirit to assert that right.
The first and second of these fallacies have
already, it is hoped, been disposed of. If we
are, as a nation, afraid to look boldly and
steadily at the real position we occupy, or have
a right to occupy—in truth, the less worthy arc
we of retaining possession of its advantages. If
we will absurdly and pusillanimously go out of
our way to hunt after subtle and far-fetched
pleas for abandoning or restricting our rights,
disregarding the great and universal pinciples of
national law, which really support those rights,
—we had better at once act up to our princi¬
ples, and commence our descent from the posi¬
tion we at present occupy in the scale of
nations!

Granting that we have just and substantial
rights to vindicate against the Chinese,—that
these rights are so important as that the asser¬
tion of them becomes a matter of capital im¬
portance to us in a national point of view,—that

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA. 59

we have the means to assert those rights, and
the inclination to adopt those means,—what is
the obstacle? Are the Chinese so formidable
in a warlike point of view, so determined of
purpose, united in action, and skilful in council,
^as to render it inexpedient to adopt the neces*
sary measures, however desirable ?

Every one whose opinion is worth consulting,
who has had due opportunity for observation,
and gives his evidence in an unbiassed manner,
assures us that the Chinese, however disposed
to adopt a magnificent style of language, are
much more apt to waste the idle artillery of
words in official interdiction, than to resort to
serious and really threatening measures in as¬
sertion of their rights. It is indeed, with them,
invariably—a flourish of trumpets, and enter
Tom Thumb 1 Listen to the marvellous lan¬
guage adopted by the Viceroy (27th October,
1830), in addressing our Committee.

“ The celestial Empire benevolently nou¬
rishes, righteously rectifies, and gloriously mag¬
nifies a vast forbearance. How is it possible
that for driblets of men in a petty—petty bar¬
barian factory,;|: troops should be moved to
exterminate!!! [«c.] ” But the said Chief, and
others, could not explain this intention (in the

• " It is impossible,” says the Tr.tnslalor, “ by the word
foreign (le) to give (he spirit of this senteocc."

60 PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OE

Hong Merchants’ threat) ; they stupidly listen
to the teaching of traitorous persons, and forth¬
with presumed, in opposition to iuhibitions, to
order guns and arms to be brought up, and
arrayed them at the door of their factory.
This is still more wild and erroneous. Only
try to think—if indeed tlie said foreigners had
among them an ill^^Iity of a very important
nature — I, the Governor, would instantly fly
to report to the Emperor, and the Government
troops would gather together like clouds, eu termi-
nate them, and leave a perfect vacuum!!I How
could their guns and arms they have brought,
presume to oppose such a force?”* Is this the
sort of fulmination at which Britain must turn
pale ?

The Chinese will at one moment adopt lan¬
guage pregnant with direful import, and, at the
next, if encountered by even a show of serious
resistance, sink into the m<»t ignominious sub¬
mission, and resort to ridiculous subterfuges, in
order to escape from the consequences of their
own folly and audacity.f ** I have always
entertained but one opinion,” says that shrewd
and candid observer, Mr, Holman, “ in reference
to our connexion with, and policy towards
China. We have treated them with too much
forbearance; they have all the braggart, as well
as all the recreant qualities of cowardice in

• Second Appendix, ficc. p- 422.

f Ibid. p. 467.

THP, URITISH TRADE WITH CHINA. Cl

tlieir nature. If we were to make a decided
demonstration of hostility, we should speedily
obtain all that we require at their hands. A
few British men-of-war would shatter tlie flimsy
armaments of China with as much facility as
our presence, even in slight numbers, and with¬
out power, keeps their vagabond multitudes in
check, in the suburbs of Canton.”* And again
—“ They are uniformly overbearing and insult¬
ing to all those who happen to be in their
power, but cringing and abject to those who
exhibit a determination to resist them.”t
The Emperor of China has, in truth, neither
the inclination nor the power to resort to hostile
measures, in ortler to destroy our trade, or
banish us from his territories, if lit mo us dis¬
posed to offer a serious resistance. He is far too
sensible of our importance—of his weakness,
and our strength,—even in spite of the artful and
iniquitous means adopted by the local authori¬
ties to keep him in the dark as to the real state
of his relations with this country, by forbidding,
intercepting, and falsifying all our attempted
communications. It is to further such mis¬
chievous purposes as these that they forbid our
acquisition of their language, and deny us access
to the higher and supreme authorities. The

• Holman, Voy. & Tr. toI. i*. p. 109.

t 1(1. ib. 08.

(H PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OF

wide-spread corruption* and utter imbecility ex¬
isting in his empire,!—the general poverty of his
people,—are too painfully apparent to the Court
at Pekin to admit of its sanctioning a breach, and
resort to extreme measures, with so powerful a
nation as the British. It is as much as they
can do to conceal “ the rottenness in the state
of Denmark” behind a glaring grandiloquence.
A glimpse of one or two of our mcn-of-war
stationed off the north-eastern coast of China,

* “ Tlio Chincso, imiionclrable to every thing else, are
never impenetrable to bribery. Tliey arc the most corrupt
people on the face of the earth. I really believe that China
niiglit be purchased out and ont. if a largess sufficiently
great could bo pcocuted.*'— Holman, voi. Iv. p. 63.

t The following circumslanco rdated by Mr. Holman, will
illustrate the truth of this observation. Every one knows the
great exertions of the Chinese Government to prevent the im¬
portation of opium: see tlie power they have to carry their
decisions into effect I “ Friday, October 13th, 1830.—Some
friends of mine, who were returning frotn Whampoa to-day,
saw a very amusing fight upon the river between two man¬
darins' boats and a smuggler. One of ttic former fired a gun
at the latter, which was immediately returned, although he
was making off; and as he pulled fifty oare, assisted by his
sails, he soon distanced bis pursuers. Meeting, however,
three boats of his own calling, he joined them, and they all
drew up tn line to give regular battle to the mandarins!
The plan of the smugglers was a little cunous. It being flood
tide, they formed their line across the river, above the man¬
darins' boats; they tlieu brought their carriage guns to their

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA. (IS

would Bend a thrill of consternation through the
whole empire, and do more to incline the
Chinese to listen to the dictetes of reason and
justice than centuries of “temporizing” and
submission to insult and oppression. Experi¬
ence ought by this time to have shewn us that it
is a foolish and useless policy to attempt to gain
the confidence of the Chinese by exhibiting, as
was constantly enjoined by the East India Com¬
pany, a .servile deference to their innumerable
and absurd peculiarities and customs. An ob-

sterns, wetted their boarding nettings, to prevent them from
catching iiro, (wliich were all reedy to trace tip), and, present¬
ing their sterns, they pulled in that position towards the man¬
darins’ boats, which, however, were glad enough to make a
precipitate retreat. Thus, in open day, only a few milet
below Canton, four amugyUrt retisted toith impunity the
Government of the country !”— And oil this, too, after “ an
edict of the Emperor bad been publislied, ordering the local
authorities to exercise all their power to prevent the growth
and importation of the pc^y.”—Tremble,” said the poor
Emperor, “ and obey!"— Holm.in, vol. iv. p. 89—92.

It would be easy to muhipiy such instances of the wretched
imbecility of the Chinese Govenunent. One more must suf¬
fice. “ Notwithstanding there is a rigid prohibition against
Chinese books being sold to forugners, Professor Newmann
found no difficulty in procuring tdl that he desired to obtain;
and to prevent their bang seiz«! on thar way to the ship, he
paid a stipulated sum, for each case, to the mattdarin, who
betrayed the trust to his government so openly, that he
actually seat some of kit men to pack them at the Professor's
lodgings !"— Id. lb. p. 46, (n).

04 PRESENT POSITION ANI> PHOSPEr TS OE

scrvance of very many, if not most of them, is
inconsistent with the free spirit—the sens; of
what is due to self-rcsjject—of the enlightened
nations of Europe. Hateful, indeed, is- -or
ought to be—the idea of smothering or corn|iro-
mising such feelings, from considerations of
mere traffic and gain.* “ The free and high-

* Tlie following is a very remarkable instance at once of
Chinese folly and wickedness: and affords a lively specimen
of the character of the people whose manners and ruijiiisiii(;iis
(he East India Company required their rcprcscnuiivcs in ali
things to respect and observe:—“ Some timo ago tin affray
occurred at Kum-sing Moon, in nhiob a foreigner was deliliC'
rately murdered by three or four natives, who overpowered Iiim
in the affray; and to concc.')! the murder, instead of burying the
body, they cut it to pieces, carried it in a lishing boat out to
the roads, and cast it into the sea. This suicmunt was oln
tained from their own confession; uo remnant of tliu inun
was ever found. On the other side, a nati\'c wus wounded in
the posteriors with small shot, the parts uiortiffcd, and lu:
died within twenty or thirty days. The local government
caught the natives who wounded the foreigner, and they de¬
manded that the foreigner who fired the diot, which wounded
and caused the death of the native, should be found and
delivered up to ihem. With this demand it was not prac¬
ticable to comply. Week after week they reiterated the
order to have the "foreign murderer," they called him,
delivered up. At last, despairing of compliance, Goverimicnt
has connived at a Hong Merchant, a leader among that
responsible body, having, for 400 or 500 dollars, bribed some
ignorant half-foreigner, about Macao, to personate the foreign
murderer, and have put this confession into his mouth, in order
that his life may be safe, and be be banished from Cliina, after

THK BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA. H6

minded nations of Europe,” says the calm and
philosophic Malte Brun, " will never admit the
arrangements of a tyrannical police, the annoy¬
ance of a childish etiquette, and the 'great
walls,' which have been erected for interrupting
the communications of the human mind.”* The

the farce of tridl and report lo the Emperor ahall be gone
through. This is the purport of the confession whicli the
Chinese admire for its ingenuity.—'The foreigner who was
killed at Kum-sing Moon, was my cider brother. When I
saw the natives murdering him, I ran up, and stood forward to
rescue him, at which moment a fowling-piece, I had fastened
to my back, went otT, and shot the native, who has since died.
Wc two brothers were tiie only children of an old mother, who
has now no one to take care of her. 1 beg for mercy, that I
may return home, and wait on my mother in her old age.'

“ Those circuintlaiices were iutended to be kept secret from
foreigners, but common fame andsome tell-tale divulged tbem.
The foreigners protested to the Governor of Canton against an
innocent man being thus implicated, although by his own
ignorance and folly. The Governor has over and over again
denied the man's innocence, but says the man has delivered
himself up, in which there is some merit, and has confessed the
facts, which will save his life, inasmuch as the deed was purely
accidental, quite unintentional,—therefore he will not be
required to forfeit his life. All (bis the governor, the judge,
the Kvvang-chow'foo, and other mandarins concerned, as well
as the foreign and native public, know is perfectly untrue; but
with this fiction of law they are proceeding, and have reported
to Peking in substance as above, and are now waiting, with the
man in confinement, for the Emperor's answer. The man was
subsequentlyliberated unhurt.”— Holman, vol. iv. p. 164—6.

* Malte Brim, vol. ii. p. 607.

F

OG PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OK

time for attending to such trifles has passed
away, as have occupied so much of the anxious
attention of the East India Company and its
local representatives. Is it not revolting to
common sense and common humanity, to think
that the mere appearance of an English lady at
Canton—that lady the wife of Mr. Baynes, our
first resident merchant,—that an English in¬
valid’s venturing to use a sedan, the common
conveyance among the respectable Chinese,—
has each of them led to the most alarming and
protracted misunderstandings — to insulting
“Orders” and “Edicts”—to threats of sus¬
pending the whole British trade—to negotia*
tioDS and correspondence of a long and most
harassing description ? Yet such have been
the facts! * It is repeated that graver consi¬
derations must henceforth occupy the attention
of those who carry on tlic trade with China, and
a sterner spirit be exhibited in enforcing the
claims of reason and justice. If we should un¬
fortunately find the Chinese turn a deaf ear to
all our remonstrances, and bent upon continuing
in full force the galling system of imposition and
insult from which they have so long reaped so
rich a harvest; if, above all, they should pre¬
sume to inflict upon us so vast an injury as the

* See Auber, passim, aod %coad Appendix, Paper A,
pp. 407—8, 446.

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA.

07

interdiotion of our trade (which is of all things
the most improbable): then will have arrived
the time when our Sovereign would be bound —
bound by the duty he owes his subjects, and
authorized by the law of nations—to interfere
on their behalf, and prot^t them from such
grievous injuries. This he might do, in the first
instance, by issuing letters of marque and re¬
prisal, which are grantable by the law of na¬
tions whenever the subject of one state are
oppressed and injured by those of another, and
justice is denied by that state to which the
oppressor belongs.”*

The Emperor of China, by ratifying the acts
of the local authorities in their outrageous treat¬
ment of Lord Napier, has rendered himself re¬
sponsible for such treatment; it has become a
public concern, and tlie injured party is to con¬
sider the nation as the real author of the injury,
of which the citizen was only the instrument.”'!'
Surely we should be able to show, before pro¬
ceeding to such extremities, that we have in¬
effectually demanded justice, or that we have
every reason to believe that it would be in vain
for us to demand it.”t ** Justice is refused,”

* i Bla. Com. bk. i. c. 7. p. 258.

t Vattel, Book ii. c. 6. § 74.

1 Vatte], Book ii. c. 18. ^943; Grotius, De J. Belli ac
Pace, Book ii. c.2, ^ 4-5.

(is PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OF

says Vattel, “ in several ways: first, by a de¬
nial of justice, properly so called—or by a re¬
fusal to hear your complahits or those of your sub¬
jects, or to admit them to establish their rights
before the ordinary tribunals."* If this latter be,
in the opinion of an enlightened writer on inter¬
national law, of itself a sufficient cause for the
granting of letters of marque and reprisals,—
what abundant cause extste for resorting to the
same measures, in the accumulated wrongs
which the Chinese have already heaped, and
still threaten to heap, upon the subjects of
Great Britain 1 If China chooses to follow up
the insult she has offered to us in the person of
Lord Napier, by abruptly excluding us from
her trade—by breaking the agreement which
her own conduct, as well as ours, shows to have
been in existence for more than a century,
surely we may adopt the language of the Court
of Directors, in 1816, and say, that " we could
hardly fail to resent so harsh and injurious a
proceeding/’f A ship of the line, together with
a couple of frigates and three or four sloops,
would suffice—we are told,J to put a stop to
the greater part of the external and internal
commerce of the Chinese Empire—to intercept

• Vattel, Book ii.e. 18. § 350.

t Ante, p. 19.

r See “ Petition of the Briu'^ subjects at Canton to the
King in Council.”

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA. Ci)

its revenues in their progfress to the capital, and
take possession of all the armed vessels of the
country.” There is another >vay, says Mr.
Holman, of bringing the Chinese to their
senses.

" If Great Britain were to take possession of
Macao, garrison it with native troops from
Bengal, and declare it a free port, it would be
one of the most flourishing places in the East.”
In this opinion, however, this intelligent tra¬
veller has been misinformed, for Macao would
be worse than useless to Great Britain, owing
to the humiliating tenure on which it is held
from the Chinese, and its want of a suitable an¬
chorage for any but vessels of the smaller class.
If any island is taken possession of, it should be
in a central part of China,— Cjiusan for in¬
stance, as suggested by Sir James Urmston,
formerly chief of the Company’s factory. Then
indeed might we hope to see it become one of
the most flourishing places in the East; " for,”
continues Mr. Holman, " the Chinese are so
fond of smuggling, that they would not hesi¬
tate to trade with foreigners if they could be
assured of receiving protection; and there is
no doubt that they would use all those arts
of bribery with their own countrymen, which
would be necessary to promote their own
ends, and which are so irresistible to the
equivocal integrity of the Chinese. By these

70 PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OF

means, therefore, there is not a doubt that a
very extensive and productive trade might be
established with China, and very important ad¬
vantages secured to the British nation. When
these facts are so self-evident,” well may the
writer add, " it is wonderful that some mea¬
sures have not been taken to secure the com¬
merce and to protect the merchants from the
insults and obstacles which are now so much
complained of, as well as to lower the bullying
and imperative tone which the Chinese at pre¬
sent think fit to adopt in all their mercantile
transactions.”*

The British merchants trading at Canton de¬
sire, however, neither to contemplate nor to
suggest a resort to such extreme measures, un¬
less forced upon us by the foilure of more peace¬
ful means. Their inclinations, as well as their
interests, incline them to be men of peace.
They are satisfied that their interests—that is,
the interests of the naUon—may be effectually
secured without it, and that our commercial in¬
tercourse with China may be easily, speedily,
and peaceably placed upon an honourable and
secure footing. Great Britain need show her¬
self to the Chinese, not in a threatening, but
simply a resolute attitude, in order to secure
that grand desideratum ,—a direct access to the

* Holman, vol. iv. p> .50.

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA.

71

court at Pekin; where such cogent representa¬
tions might be made to the Emperor,—such a
demonstration of the weak and embarrassed
state of his kingdom, of the solid and permanent
advantages he may reap by conceding our few
and reasonable demands, and the serious conse¬
quences of persisting in an obstinate and inso¬
lent disregard of them, as would, in all human
probability, lead to the happiest results. Could
the Emperor but be made to see that his
brother monarch of Great Britain—the King of
a great and independent nation —was perfectly
in earnest about the matter,—that at length he
was tired of the tyranny and injustice to which
his subjects at Canton have been so long sub¬
ject, and resolved upon obtaining satisfaction
for the deep insult offered to.him through his
representative Lortl Napier;—the whole history
of China shows that the Emperor would not be
long in deciding which of the alternatives to
adopt, or finding a suitable and stately pretext fur
making the requisite concessions. We desire him
to drop for ever the arrogant and offensive lan¬
guage so long adopted by himself and his mi¬
nisters, in speaking of the King of Great Britain
and his subjects; to give reparation fur the fatal
insults offered to Lord Napier, and to the na¬
tional honour, in firing at her flag,—as well as
remuneration for the losses we sustained by the
detention of our ships during the stoppage of our

72 PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OF

trade on that occasion j to extend to our fellow-
subjects at Canton the full protection of the
Chinese laws; to forbid the longer infliction by
the local authorities of the intolerable indig¬
nities and impositions under which our traders
have so long suffered, and to accede to com¬
mercial arrangements that may be reasonable
and mutually benehcial. This is the short sum
of all that it is desired our Government should
demand from that of China. The honour and
interests of the country equally require it. It
is ignorant trifling to talk of treating the ro¬
domontade and verbiage of the Chinese with
the contempt it deserves.” It cannot be denied
that, as stated by the Canton merchants, in
their “ Petition” to the King in Council, ” the
disabilities and restrictions under which our
commerce now labours, may be traced to a long
acquiescence in the arrogant assumption of su¬
premacy over the people and monarchs of other
countries, claimed by the Emperor of China for
himself and his subjects—and that “ they are
forced to conclude, that no essentially beneficial
result can be expected to arise out of negotia¬
tions in which such pretensions are not de¬
cidedly repelled.” ..." That they most seri¬
ously apprehend that the least concession or
waiving of this point, under present circum-
, stances, could not fail to leave us as much as

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA. 7l3

ever subject to a repetition of the injuries of
which we have now to complain.” It might
have been deemed politic, in our early inter¬
course with the Chinese, to acquiesce in their as¬
sumptions—to pass over their vain-glorious and
bombastic phraseology, or treat it as an amusing
absurdity. We had then to gain a footing
where we had not a tittle of claim even to be
tolerated on or near their shores; where we
were strictly “ tenants by sufferance,”—and be¬
sides, could not have contemplated the effects
such acquiescence would have produced prac¬
tically upon their treatment of us. Now, how¬
ever, circumstances are indeed changed. We
have learned by the severe experience of two
centuries, the truth of the representations above
made: and may depend upon it, that so long as
the Chinese find us tolerate their styling our
King “ a reverently submissive tributary” and
his subjects “ profligate barbarians,”—they will
treat us accordingly. Hence the absolute ne¬
cessity of demanding the discontinuance of such
language—even supposing it to be consistent
with the dignity and honour of Great Britain to
submit to the degradation of carrying on ti-ade
upon such terms.

So far back as the year 1815, we find the
President of the Select Committee at Canton—
Mr. Elphinstone,—thus indicating, to the Court

74 PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OF

of Directors, the most advisable course then to
pursue, in order to remedy evils of which we
have now even far greater cause to complain:—
" There appears to me no mode so likely to
prevent these injurious consequences (i.e. “an
entire stoppage of the trade with China,”) as
that of establishing a direct and frequent com¬
munication between the two governments. Mis¬
sions on a far more moderate scale than the
former embassy may prove fully as efficacious.
No particular act or appearance of favour or con¬
cession need be expected from the Chinese Go¬
vernment. . The beneficial efiects will be. in
placing the British nation on a more respect¬
able footing with respect to China; and their
frequent communications, independent of the
superior advantage an embassy will now pos¬
sess—of English interpreters—will prove to the
provincial authorities, that remonstrances can
be conveyed to Pekin.”* Following up this
suggestion, and profiUng by subsequent experi-
ence-^arefiilly considering, moreover, the very
peculiar position of afiairs at the present con¬
juncture, it is submitted that bis Majesty’s Go¬
vernment would act wisely in adopting the sug¬
gestions of the present Canton merchants: who,
after “ lamenting that such authority to nego¬
tiate, and force to protect from insult, as the

* Second Appendix, drc. pp. 603-4.

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA. 75

occasion demanded, were not entrusted to his
Majesty’s Commissioners,” — and expressing
their " conddence, without a shadow of doubt,
that had the requisite power, properly sus¬
tained by an armed force, been possessed by
Lord Napier” they would not now have “ to
deplore the degraded and insecure position in
which they are placed, in consequence of the
representative of our Sovereign having been
compelled to retire from Canton, without hav¬
ing authority to offer any remonstrance to the
Supreme Government, or to make a demon¬
stration of a resolution to obtain reparation at
once for the insults heaped upon him by the
local authorities,”—humbly pray—

“ That his Majesty would be pleased to
grant powers plenipotentiary to such person of
suitable rank, discretion, and diplomatic expe¬
rience, as his Majesty in his wisdom might
think fit and proper to be entrusted with such
authority; and that be should be directed to
proceed to a convenient station on the Eastern
coast of China, as near to the capital of the
country as might be found most expedient, in
one of bis Majesty's ships of the line, attended
by a sufficient maritime force, which—they are
of opinion—need not consist of more than two
frigates, and three or four armed vessels of light
draft, together with a steam vessel, all fully
manned and that he m^hl be thus placed in

"iQ VBESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OP

a position to demand the reparations and con¬
cessions above suggested. Scarcely any addi¬
tional expense—if that could be an object in
such an affair as this—need be incurred by this
country, in adopting this course of policy; since
the costly establishment which, in consequence
of their exclusion from Canton, we are now
maintaining (with hardly any functions to ex¬
ercise) at Macao,—may be greatly reduced;
and our Indian squadron, already in commis¬
sion, might be directed to cruize as a fleet of
observation along the coasts of China, instead
of lying at some of the Indian ports, which are
usually found very unhealthy to their crows.
If the occasion should not be deemed to require
in the first instance, the services of a special
plenipotentiary, the Admiral might be charged
with a letter from our Government, to the Em¬
peror, referring to the manner in which Lord
Napier was received and treated, as a reason
for desiring a communication with his Imperial
Majesty, with a view to come to an under¬
standing on this pmnful subject, as well as on
the grievances from which the trade is suffer¬
ing.*

Any attempt to renew negotiations at Canton

* The harbour of Amoy, in Fokien, from its depth of
water, facility of access, and sheltered position, is admirably
adapted to uR'ord a secure aneborage for his Majesty's ships*
even of the largest size.

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA.

77

should be avoided j since, besides involving the
probable consequence of a suspension of the
trade—as happened in the case of Lord Napier
—it would be sure to prove useless, from the
circumstance of the local officers of that province
not being authorised by their own government
to treat with foreign powers; while they are, at
the same time, the parties against whose wrong¬
doing it is especially wished to appeal. The esta¬
blishment of the Hong Merchants is one of the
most artful and successful engines of oppression
and extortion that was ever devised. They are
the only medium through which foreigners can
carry on trade with the Chinese empire; and
have a very obvious motive for making mischief
when they have the opportunity, between their
superiors and the foreign traders; i. e., their
jealousy of foreign merchants, and fears least
they should become too powerful and wealthy,
and at length supersede themselves. “ The
Hong Merchants,” say the Select Committee,
(1st January, 1831,) “have, unhappily, ever
been jealous of the concession of any privileges
which add to the respectability of foreign re¬
sidents. They proceed also upon the principle,
that the greater the depressed state of foreigners,
the less likely is their own responsibility to be in¬
volved.” * The tremendous liabilities of the Hong

* Second Appendix, dro. p. 446.

78 PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS OF

Merchants, also render it, in a manner, absolutely
necessary for them to inflict incessant imposi¬
tions upon the foreign traders. As an instance
of this it may be stated, Uiat the whole expense
of the immense preparations recently made by
the local government to oppose the expected
advance towards Canton of his Majesty's frigates,
after they had passed the Bogne, has been ex¬
torted from the Hong Merchants; and as but a
few of them are really solvent, the only means
of meeting such a demand is —combining to tax
both the import and the export trade!

If, finally, his Majesty should sec 6t to adopt
the above suggestions, there remains one ob¬
servation—already alluded to—to be most re¬
spectfully pressed upon the attention of minis¬
ters ;—that our plenipotentiary should be clothed
with sufficient powers to enforce, if necessary,
the assertion of our rights. It is an acknow¬
ledged maxim in all n^otiations, that the sui'cst
preventive of war is an unequivocal manifestation
of our being neither unable nor unprepared, on
its becoming necessary, to resort to it. The
moment our negotiator lets it be perceived that
he is precluded by his instructions from adopt¬
ing such a course, whether to protect the rights
of our merchants, or vindicate the respect due
to his official character, be may be assured that
all his arguments will prove unavailing and can
tend only to betray his weakness; while, it is

THE BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA.

7f)

equally certain that the acute policy of the
Chinese will, at the very outset, be invariably
exerted to make him develope under what in¬
structions be is acting; what are the limits to
his sufferance, and what the extent of his
powers to retaliate in case of insult or injury.
This they will soon bring to light, by such a
studied system of privation and disrespect, as shall
compel him to show his strength, if he have any, or
wanting this, to flounder through a course of
alternate opposition and unavoidable submis¬
sion, which cannot do otherwise than end in his
defeat.

Such, then, is the present state of our com¬
mercial relations with China. Such are the
principal sources of our present grievances; such
our prospects and opportunities; such, in short,
the claims of the British Merchants at Canton;
such the duties of the British Government. Tlie
time has arrived when a decisive step must be
taken. We must, at once, make up our minds
either to abandon for ever our dear-bought
commercial intercourse with China, or take
effectual measures for securing its continuance,
and that upon a sate, advantageous, honourable,
and permanent footing. We must resolve upon
vindicating our insulted honour as a nation, and
protecting the injured interests of our commerce
—or, in the face of Europe,—with “ all appli¬
ances and means to boot”—fully sensible of the

80 PRESENT POSITION, ETC.

magnitude of the interests at stake, as well as
the ease with which they may be protected and
perpetuated—humble ourselves, nevertheless,
in ignominious submission, at the feet of the
most insolent, the most ungrateful, the most
pusillanimous people upon earth.

OUTLINE

OF SOMR

LEADING OCCURRENCES IN THE

HISTORY OF THE CHINA TRADE.

[The few following dclacis will serve, it is hoped, at once to
illustrate and fortify the more important statements and
conclusions contained in the foregwng pages,}

The records of our early intercourse with the
Hast clearly establish one must importaut
fact, that the difficulties experienced in opening
a trade witli China were the result rather of the
jealousy of rival Europeans, tlian of any decided
aversion to foreigners on the part of the natives.*

* The following “ Abstract from Chinese statistical papers,
TeapecliDg European intercourse with China," is illustrative of
Chinese ideas respecting foreign trade.

“ When foreigners of the Western Ocean, who were called
Franks, came, and, like others, talked of conveying tribute to
court, they abruptly entered the district of Ting-qiian, and
with tremendous roar of their guns, struck terror into all, both
far and near. A iju-$he wrote to court, and procured a pro¬
hibition of all foreign ships."

SubsequenUy to this {wobibilion of foreign trade, the Foo>
ynen Sen-foo addressed his Majesty as follows

r.

HISrORICAL OUTLINE,

In support of this assertion, it may be instruc¬
tive to take a brief glance at some of the leading
occurrences.

" A g^reat part of tltc necessary expense, botli in the oiBcers
of government and pco|>k, is, at Canton, supplied by t!ie
customs levied on merchants. If forc^ ships do not come,
both public and private concerns are thrown into much em¬
barrassment and distress. It is requested that the Franks
may be permitted to trade.

“Three or four advantages result from permitting the
Franks to trade: first, in the beginning of the dynasty,
besides the rogtilur tribute of t!>e several foreign states, a small
per<centage was taken from t])c remainder, winch was adequate
to the supply of the government expenditure. This is the first
advantage. Second, the treasury appropriated for the annual
supply of the anny of Canton and Kwang'sy, is entirely
drained; and our dependence is on the trade to supply the
army, and to provide ^inst unforesem exigencies. This is
the second advantage. Third, heretofore Kwang-sy has
looked to Canton for supplies. If any small demand is made
on that province, it is unable to comply with it. When
foreign ships have free intercourse, then high and low are all
mutually supplied. This is the third advantage. Fourth, the
people live by commerce. A man holding a small quantity of
goods sells them, and procures what he himself requires.
Thus things pass from hand to liand, and in their course sup¬
ply men with food and raimrat. This Is the fourth advantage,
'fhe government is therefore assisted—the people enriched—
and both have means afforded them on which they may
depend.

“ At a former period (1520) the foreign mart was removed
to Tien-pih, about one hundred miles from Canton. In
another year (].'334) Kwang-king, an officer of that district,

HISTORICAL OUTLINli,

S3

The Portuguese enjoyed nearly a century’s
priority of intercourse with the celestial empire,
(from A. u. 1517); and, free from the competi¬
tion of any other European nation, traded at
various ports, subject only to occasional conten¬
tions, the result of acts of violence and injustice
characteristic of those times,—perpetrated, per¬
haps, on both sides. In 1555, they appear to
have concentrated themselves at Macao, where
they built a town. We hear of their ships fre¬
quenting the port of Canton in 1578, and trad¬
ing along the coast of China; but in 1631, in
consequence of some disputes which had arisen
with the natives, they were restricted to their
own settlement at Macao.

Such was the slate of affairs when, in 1634,
the Portuguese, in consequence of the capture
of their own vessels by the Dutch, were in¬
duced to charter an English ship, the London,
from the Company’s factory at Surat, for a
voyage from Goa to Macao; and a convention

having received a bribe, wrote to tbe superior officers of
government, requesting to remove the mart to Macao, on
condition of an annual dnty of 20,000 pieces of money. Titus
the Franks, in an undcr-baiid way obtained admission into the
country. They then began and built lofty iiouses. The mer¬
chants of Foo-kien and Canton flocked to them. They, in
time, received addition to their numbers, and all the small
surrounding nations, who formerly came thither, were afraid,
and shunned them. Hence tliey assumed a sole right to the
place.”

»4

HISTORICAL OUTLINE.

was made, that the English should have liberty of
trade at all tlic Portuguese settlements in Asia.

On the faith of this agreement. Captain Wed¬
dell, witli three vessels under his orders, was
despatched from Loudon about the year IG3.5,
by a company having the title of “ Courteen’s
Association,” (in which Charles the First was a
shareholder), for the purpose of making the
first attempt, on the part of the English, to
establish a trade with China. lie carried
with him, by way of crcdcutial, a letter from
King Charles I. to the Portuguese Governor of
Macao, who, however, in direct violation of the
convention, peremptorily refused admittance to
the British vessels. Nor did the opposition of
the Governor stop here, for, as Captain Weddell
found, on applying to the Chinese for permission
to "traffic freely with them, on the same foot¬
ing as our European precursors,” the trea¬
cherous Portuguese had sent emissaries to Can¬
ton for the purjMjsc of exciting a prejudice
against the English.* In this object, by the

* It is remarkable that some twenty years before this period
a strong prejudice against the English prevailed in China, by
reason of the piracies committed by the Dutch, under the
Bjjtisb flag, on the Chinese coasting junks. " But the Com¬
pany’s agent at Japan exposed this d«;eption, by making the
real facts known in China, and the good report of Englishmen
(the Company’s records state) was in coiiseijuciicc higher

HISTORICAL OUTLINE.

•»5

double operation of bribes and aspersions on our
national character, he so completely succeeded,
that the courteous disposition manifested by the
natives towards Captain Weddell in the first
instance, gave place to feelings of so hostile a
nature, that the Chinese commenced making
warlike preparations, and actually fired several
shots at lii.s barge, when going on shore for
water.

Incensed at this unprovoked outrage, “ the
English fleet (consisting of three small mer¬
chant vessels and u pinnace) displayed their red
ensigns, and took a jwsition before the castle,
whence the Chinese discharged many balls at
them before they could bring a piece of ord¬
nance to bear, to return the fire. After fighting
two hours, perceiving the courage of the Chi*
ne.se to fail. Captain We<ldell landed about a
hundred men, at sight of whom the Chinese, in
great confusion, abandoned the fort, the English
entering, jfianting on the walls the British flag,
and carrying on board all the ordnance found
in it.”

The result of Captain Weddell’s exploit was
his obtaining a patent for free trade, with liberty
to fortify on any place out of the river. This
invaluable privilege was, however, rendered

there than cvei.” See Lord*' Report o« Forei'/n Trm.'e,
18-21. p. ‘284.

HISTOBICAL Ol'TLINE.

nugatory by the East India Company’s hostility
to “ Courteen’s Association,”* which was in
consequence suppressed.

In 1644, the Chinese empire was conquered
by the reigning Tartar dynasty. The southern
provinces, however, were not reduced to sub¬
mission for many years, during which the
greatest anarchy prevailed; the coasts being
scoured by native junks, which, acknowledging
no law, plundered all who were not strong
enough to protect themselves. In order to cut
off the resources of these marauders, the Tartar
government resorted to the extmordinary expe¬
dient of conipelliug the inhabitants of tlie
southern shores to retire thirty Chinese miles
towards the interior, and renounce all inter¬
course with the sea. The Portuguese, by
especial indulgence, were excused from remov¬
ing into the interior, but were prohibited from
navigating their ships, or engaging in foreign
trade. Entire stagnation of commerce was the

* “ Courteen's Association" was established by King
Cliarlcs I., to participate, with the East India Company, in
the India trade, because (as the preamble to their license
states) “ the East India Company had neglected to establish
Ibrtihed factories or seats of trade to which the king's subjects
could resort with safety; bad consulted their own interest
oJy, without any regard to the king’s revenue, and, in
general, had broken the couditiou on which their charter and
exclusive privileges had been granted to them.”

HISTORICAL OHTLINK.

07

result, aud Macao was reduced to the greatest
distress.

On the return of a more settled state of af¬
fairs, the Tartar government became desirous of
a revival of foreign trade, and, accordingly, in
1G78, th© Viceroy of Canton itivUed the English
to establish a factory at that place. Unfortu¬
nately, however, the English company, influ¬
enced by an apprehension of offending the Chinese
chieftain, KoxiN’oA,orrathcr his successor, with
whom they had dealings at Amoy and Formosa,
(then held by him in defiance of tlie Tartar Go¬
vernment) did not avail themselves of this desir¬
able overture, which is the more to be regretted,
as Koxinga’s power was shortly afterwards ex¬
tinguished. On this occuning, tlic English
turned their attention to Canton, but found
themselves forestalled by their ancient rivals the
Portuguese, who, in 1682, by a bribe of 24,000
taels (about 8000/. sterling) per annum—ob¬
tained from the Governor of Canton an edict
prohibiting the merchants of that place from
“ trading with strangers.”* Accordingly, some
English vessels which visited the coast about
that period, were “ warned off” by “ a message
from the General of the Tartar fleet, announcing
that the Portuguese bad peUtioned him to turn

* See East India Coiniiaiiy’s Records, laid 1>el'orc the House
ol' Lords ill IH’il.

88

HISTORICAL OUTLINIi.

out all strangers,*’ and “ that there was a mu¬
tual obligation between the Emperor and the
Portuguese not to permit a trade with any other
European nation.”

In 1685, the Emperor Kang He issued his
famous edict by which the ports of the empire
were declared to be open to all nations.
It does not, however, appear that any change
of policy at Canton was produced by this
edict, which, therefore, it is probable that the
governor of that province, influenced by the
annual bribe of 8000/. from the Portuguese,
contrived to evade.*

* That the impediments to forciipi trade in China arose
rather from the rivalry of Europeans than from any disiiiclina-
lion to commerce on the part of the natives, is further exem*
plified in the fact, that there arc no records of the lin^lish
trading with Tormosa during tlic tliirty>eight years of its oc¬
cupation by the Dutch (from l'>24 to while the

Chinese chieftain Koxinga, who dispossessed the Dutch, in¬
vited foreigners to trade ; and accordingly, iltiring his rule, in
1670, an English factory was established. Koxinga's succes¬
sor was conquered by tlte Tartars in 1681.

In like manner, when the Dutch attempted to open a trade
with China, they were opposed not only by the Portuguese at
Canton, but by the Jesuit missionarimi at Pekin, who pre¬
judiced the Emperor’s mind by informing him “ that they were
only possessed of a small part of a country, which they
f^ce<l by rebellion, from their lawful sovereign; and there¬
upon became pirates at sea, robUog ail they met with in order
to support their power on tend.”

UISTUHtCAL OUTUN£.

89

The first notice, in the E^t India Company's
published records, of an English vessel visiting
Canton, is found in a communication to the
Directors from the Factors at Surat, who state
that a ship of 500 tons had traded at the former
place in 1G94; subject, however, to many
vexations and extortions. There appear to be
no details of our intercourse for the twenty years
immediately subsequent to Uiat period; but it
is stated by Mr. Auber, the Secretary to the
East India Company, that in 1715, “ the inter¬
course with Canton had assumed somewhat of
[the character of] a regular trade."

The IIoppo, or superintendent of foreign trade,
invariably admitted our supercargoes to an au¬
dience, at which they stipulated, through their
liingiiisf, for the observance of a scries of articles,
generally to the following import:—

1. I'nc trade with ailChowsc without distiaction.

2. Liberty to hire Chinese servants, and to
dismiss them at pleasure. English servants
committing any offence to be punished by
the supercargoes, and not by the Chinese.

3. Liberty to purchase provisions, &c. for their
factory and ships.

4. No duties to be chargeable on the reship¬
ment of unsold goods, nor on stores, such
as wine, beer, &c. exjrendcd in the factory.

5. Liberty to erect a tent on shore for lepair-
ing casks, sails, &'C.

HISTORICAL OOTLINH.

C. English boats, with colours flying, to pass
and repass the Custom houses without ex¬
amination, and the sailors’ pockets not to
be searched.

7. Escrutoires and chests to be landed and re¬
shipped without examination.

8. The Hoppo to protect the English from
all insults and impositions of the common
people, and the mandarins.

Not only, however, (as before stated,) have
these reasonable privileges, with the exception
of one or two of the least imjKjrtant, been abro¬
gated by the Chinese, but disabilities and re¬
straints the most humiliating have been inflicted
on the European traders.

The wily Chinese were not slow in perceiv¬
ing the value of a trade which allured so many
Europeans to their shores, excited so eager a
rivalry among them, and furnished the re¬
sources of those costly bribes which they had
been accustomed to receive from the Portu¬
guese. It therefore became their study to se¬
cure a continuance of the rich harvest, and see¬
ing Europeans so lavish of their money, as the
price of restraints upon commercial rivals, they
naturally enough viewed a system of restrictions
and disabilities as the readiest engine for extract¬
ing those gains which had gradually ceased to
flow in, from the voluntary impulse of the mutual
rivalry cherished by their foreign visitors.

lUSTOKICAL UVTI.INn. (K

Thus it became, to use the words of Sir
George Staunton, '* a part of the system of
Chinese policy with respect to all foreigners, to
restrict and restrain them to the utmost to which
they will submit; but not to drive them to de¬
spair, and thus destroy a trade of considerable
importance to the Chinese empire, and abso¬
lutely essential to the prosperity of one of its
provinces.”*

All offices, from the highest to the lowest,
under the Chinese Government, being objects of
sale, the holders consider themselves justihed in
resorting to every possible extortion in order to
obtain the largest return for the capital ex¬
pended on the purchase; and the distance of
Canton from the capital, enables tlie authorities

* The importance attached by die Chinese to foreign trade
is cxliibited in n Meiuorial to the Emperor from the Governor
Eooyucii, and Hoppo of Canton, dated March 1832 :—

“ But this prosperODs dynasty has diowii tenderness and
great benevolence to foreigners, and admitted them to a ge¬
neral market for a hundred and some scores of years, during
which time they have traded quietly and peaceably together,
without any trouble. How then would it suddcnlt/ put a
barrier before them, and suddenly ent off the trade ? Be¬
sides, in Canton, there are several hundred thousands of
poor unemployed people who have heretofore obtained their
livelihood by trading in foreign merchandise. If in one day
they should lose the means of gaining a livelihood, the evil
coHseqiKiices to Ike place would be great”

HISTORICAL OUTLlNli.

y2

at the former place to indulge their rapacity to
an extent never contemplated or sanctioned by
the court of Pekin. In furtherance of their
corrupt views, these provincial functionaries
prohibit the Chinese from teaching Europeans
the language, “ on the ground that it- might lead
to their complaints reaching and troubling the
Court.” They thus removed all chock on their
malpractices; and being free to make any
misrepresentations they pleased respecting Eu¬
ropeans to the Emperor, without the smallest
chance of being coiUradictwl, they have been
able by degrees to obtain his sanction to many
parts of a system of oppression and abuse, the
most ingeniously calculated for its object of ex¬
tortion which it is possible to imagine.*

• “ The Chinese officers of gorernmenl are continually
changing their duties from one province to another. The
amount that may have satisfied the officer of one year will be
found insufficient for liis successor. Pleas and pretences
for requiring donations under so despotic a government are
easily found, nor are they readily evaded.” [From a paper
by Mr. Elpliinstone laid before the House of Lords, 1821.]

“ It is from a corrupt influence that the selection for the
principal officers in the various local governments proceeds;
tire ManduriiBS in the enjoyment of tlie imperial favour at
Pekin, disposing, in most cases, of the situations of profit and
authority to those in the several classes of Chinese distinction
who arc enabled to give the best price. Hence it follows, as
a matter nf course, that in the appointment of a new Viceroy,

HISTORICAL Oltl'LIKK.

The Company’s supercargoes appear, at first,
to have resisted the im|>usition$ of the Chinese

or a new Hoppo, some irr^lar, illegal, at unauthorized prac¬
tice is said to be discovered, for which penalties arc threatened.
These penalties' are compromiBcd by a bribe from those wlio
are principally involved in the charge; and as it is the foreign
trade which is best able to bear these exactions, it is to that
source the Viceroys and Hoppos of Canton generally direct
their first attention for the means of repaying the purchase
money of their respective appointmeats, and also to enable
them to accumulate as large a sum as possible during the few
years (gciiorully not more than four or five) they are per¬
mitted to hold those appointments. From the continued sue*
cession of ruuclionarics, all owing their offices to the same
infiiicnce, the venality of every branch of the service is jKrpe-
tuated. So fat as regards the foreign trade, this principle is
tho nioro detrimental, because from the shorluess of the period
to which the authority of each Viceroy and Hoppo extends,
those olficors have not suflicient opportunity to Iwcomc com¬
pletely acquainted with the whole detail of the foreign trade,
whence they arc of necessity obliged to place the more reliance
upon the opinions and statements of the Hong merchants,
and these, to serve their own purposes, generally impose upon
their superiors such statements only as they think best calcu¬
lated to answer the present cmeigency, whatever that may be;
and, as some of the members of the Hong possess great
wealth, the united accumulation of dteir predecessors and
themselves in the same Hong, tliey have a corresponding in¬
fluence with the local government, which is thereby induced
to lend, at all times, a favourable car to every representation
they may make on points connected with tlic furetgn trade of
the empire.” [From a paper which the Directors laid before
the House of Lords lu

94 HISTORM^AL OUTLINK.

with becoming spirit. It was not unusual for
them to detain their vessels at the month of the
river until they had exacted an assurance of
proper treatment from the Canton authorities.
Failing to obtain such assurance, they had the
alternative of trading at Amoy; the threat of
doing which had, on more than one occasion,
the etfect of bringing the Mandarins to reason.
It appears, also, that the supercargoes had sen¬
tries to guard their factory; a wholesome pre¬
caution which, like many others, has long since
been discontinued.

The Company’s records, at a very early period,
furnish a striking illustration of the Chinese cha¬
racter. “ A private British ship (the Ann), be¬
longing to Madras had (in 171C) seized a junk be¬
longing to Amoy, in satisfaction of some injuries
received at that port. The emperor, being in¬
formed of this, sent a special messenger to inquire
into the affair; and, on his report, ordered the
Mandarins, whoseduty it was to sec justice done
the Madras merchants, to be severely punished.”

“1718-19, January 16.—The seizure of the
Amoy junk made the Chinese treat the English
better than formerly. The Emperor obliged the
Mandarins to make the owners satisfaction, and
confiscated the remainder of their estates.

.“1719, July 29.—The trade in China last
year so good that Madras this year sent two
ships. The seizure of the Amoy junk had

HISTORICAL OUTLINE. 95

caused the English to be better treated than
ever."—Lords' Report, 1821, p. 279.

Yet, with this striking example before them
of the Emperor’s desire to do justice, and their
long experience of the provincial authorities’
proneness to do wrong, the East India Directors,
in 1751, adopted the preposterous policy of
“ authorizing their supercargoes to expend such
a sum as they might see fit in endeavouring to
obtain for the trade relief from exactions !”*

Attempts to restrict the dealing of foreigners
to a few licensed Chinese, in violation of the
privileges granted in 1715, are frequently noticed
in the early history of our intercourse, but they
were generally counteracted by the decisive
measure of detaining the ships outside the port
until the restriction was removed.

In 1754-5, however, three years after the
Directors authorised recourse to bribery, the
following remarkable notice appears on the
Company's records:—

“An attempt made [by the Factory] to get
rid of the practice of the English finding security
merchants; in consequence of which, merchants
of credit would not trade with them, and they
were therefore on a worse footing than other nations
who traded at the port

* Auber's Cliinn, p. 167. See this esUaordmttry fact coiif-
mented upon, ante, p. 9.

f Sec Lords’ Report, 1821, p. 29.1.

HlSTOKfO^l. Ol'TUSB.

yo

In 1759, two years after Canton had obtained
a monopoly of the trade, when the authorities
were no longer restrained by the apprehension
that foreigners would resort elsewhere, the limi¬
tation of our dealings to a few /icemed Chinese
was made part of the established system of trade,
and those individuals, designated Security or
Hong Merchants, were regularly incorporated
under the name of the “ Couong,” with whom
alone Europeans were permitted to deal; all
transactions with other Chinese, excepting, in¬
deed, petty shopkeepers, being declared illegal.

In 1771, the supercargoes congratulate them¬
selves on having procured the dissolution of
this obnoxious Cohong at the cost of 100,000
taels (from £30,000 to £35,000), winch they
actually expended on the occasion.* In 1779-
80, however, the sanjc Cohong appear.? again
in full operation, and was made the instrument,
as it has continued to be ever since, of levying
an additional tax on foreign trade, under the
designation of Consoo Fund, the origin of whicli
is thus related. Debts amounting to 3,808,075
Spanish dollars, were owing by Chinese to
British subjects, which the latter were unable
to recover; and on their rcpresciilatiun of the
fact to the Madras Government, Captain Panton,
oX^his Majesty’s ship Sea-horse, was requested

• See Auber, p. 178.

HISTORICAL OUTLINE. 91

to proceed to China in order to urge payment,
and having instructions from Admiral Sir
Edward Vernon, and as well as from Sir Ed¬
ward Hughes, to insist on an audience with the
Viceroy. This audience, after some delay, and
not without the use of threats on the part of the
British commander, wasobtained, when Captain
Panton received a fair and satisfactory answer
to his application.* Not so, however, was the

“ “This meusiiro had occaaionct) very serious alarms at Can¬
ton. The Chinese merchants who had incurred the debt con¬
trary to the commerciat laws of ibeirown country, and denied,
in part, the jiistire of the demand, were afraid that intelligence
of this would he carried to Peking: and that the Empcror>
who has the character of a just and rigid prince, might punish
them with the loss of their fortunes, if not of their lives. On
the other hand, the Select Committee, to whom the cause of
the claimants was strongly recommended by the presidency of
Madras, were extremely apprehensive, lest they should embroil
themselves with the Chinese Government at Canton; and, by
that means, bring, perhaps, irreparable mischief on the Com¬
pany's affairsi in China. For I was further informed that the
Mandarins were always ready to lake occasion, even on the
slightest grounds, to put a stop to their trading; and that it
was often with great difficulty, and never without certain ex¬
pense, that they could get sneh restraints taken off. These
impositions were daily increaung; and, indeed, I found it a
prevailing opinion, in all the Eun^an factories, that they
shonld soon be reduced either to quit tlie commerce of that
country, or to bear the' same indignities to which the Dutc^
are subjected in Japan .”—Captain King* Voyage in H.M.S.
Discovery, A. n. 17S0.

H

ife HISTORICAL OUTLINE.

result; the “satisfaction” ultimately granted
being the payment of one-half only of the debts
without interest, by equal instalments, extend¬
ing over a period of ten years; this tardy pay¬
ment being made, not from the pockets of the
Chinese, but from the new impost on European
trade, already alluded to, as the Consoo fund.
This took place, however, after Captain Panton’s
departure.

In their evidence before the House of Lords,*
tlie East India Directors avow it as their system,
“ to temporize with the in.solcncies and caprice
of the Chinese Government;” as “ the servants
of a commercial body, can bear many things
which a King’s officer could not, with due re¬
gard to the honour of his Sovereign, submit to.”
For this reason they opposed the appointment of
a King's Consul at Canton, “ as it might nut
become his office to submit to indignities
which the servants of a body of merchants
could endure without much disgrace.”

Maxims such as these could not but be re¬
pugnant alike to the judgment and feelings of
many of the Company’s successive servants at
Canton,f who, between a sense of duty, which

, • See Evidence, Lords’ Report, 1821, pp, IIG and 178.

t This is forcibly illustrated in a private letter (which
Vias \)ucn ip\xbVi»lie<l ) fracn Sir Hicopliilus Metcalfe, chief of tlie

HISTORICAL OUTLIN'C.

urged compliance with the instructions of their
employers, on the one hand, and the dictates of

Factory, to the Chairman of the Coart of Directors, respectiiig
the proceedings of Sir Murray Maxwell, in battering the
Bogue fort, and entering the rifer in 1816:—

“ Believe me, sir,” he observes, “ the acts of a Viceroy
will ever continue arbitruy and unjust if not properly resisted.
The trade only requires a check on his conduct and the ex¬
tortions of other Mandarins at Canton, and I trust the
cautious, judicious, and firm conduct of Captain Maxwell on
this occasion will lay (he foundation of fracing the Company's
trade on a steady footing, and receive (hat support from the mi¬
nisters and court of Directors as will convince the Chinese that
the blood of Lord Anson still flows in the veins of Englishmen.
1 might be told, as Presidcut of the Faeiorij, iheie are not
the ieutimants I should promvltfalc. In reply, I assert, they
are the tentiiiiente held in private by every Man who has
visited China in the last twenty years i and it is only to be
regretted iliac the coiiliimai victories gained by a few supercar¬
goes should nut have carried such convictrou as to make these
sentiments more agreeable. 1 am aware that they are not to
be stated in a public letter; but as throughout life 1 have
never disguised my opinious, I feel it my duty to convey Uiem
in some manner.”

Again, Sir Theophitus adds, “ If he (Captain Jlaxwell)
conceived the ambassador wished, and his own judgment de¬
termined him to insist on entering the Bogue, I pointed out
the fallacy of negotiation, and that in China the act mr/sf he
performed and then discussed. Had any formal application
been made it would have been refused, not wpon the laws of
China, but the arbitrary pleasttm of an hostile Viceroy; and
any proceedings contrary to his expressed will and pleasure
would have proved very serioas. If these ideas should be

II 2

Too HISTORICAL OUTLIKR.

their own better judgment and experience on
the other, were betrayed into a vacillating and
inconsistent line of policy. The utmost opposi¬
tion, which, under such circumstances, they
could offer to Chinese injustice, was generally
feeble in its effect, and, when unsuccessful, as
it often was, did more harm than good, inas¬
much as it shewed the Chinese how easily their
own passive perseverance could defeat it.

So sensible was Sir George Staunton of the
impolicy of the Directors’ views, that he attempts
to qualify the nature of them by observing, “ It
will hardly be supposed it was intended here
to recommend any disgraceful or humiliating
compliances; these, however flattering they
may be for the moment to the vanity of the
people with whom we have intercourse, can
never permanently conciliate their good will;
they will generally be found to invite oppres¬
sion, and they invariably insure contempt. The
practical consequences of such compliances in
aggravating the evils they were designed to

held as too strong, [ have only to request f may be judged by
my public acts. Throughout my cooduct in this present dis¬
cussion, I cmdemn my$elf for forhearmet, at the same time /
act from instructions, and have only the alternative of cn-
beavouring to convince the Coort that absolute submission ia
not necessary !” &c. Sec. Sec.

(Signed) “ TnEOPiiiLUs .1, MrTCAi.vr..”

HIMTURICAL OUTUNL.

101

remedy, the early history of the European inter¬
course with China has amply illustrated.”

In 1784 occurred a tragical event, which
completed the degradation of the English cha¬
racter in the eyes of the Chinese, the super¬
cargoes having, in order to obtain a renewal of
the trade, surrendered the innocent gunner of
the ship Lady Hughes, to be strangled by
the Chinese, in retaliation for the death of a
native, who was accidentally killed while the
ship was firing a salute. This occurrence the
supercargoes of 1823 remark, “ inflicted indeli¬
ble disgrace on all parties concerned.”*

An anecdote from Cook’s voyages, I- however

• Auber, p. 295.

t Cupt. King, during bis conliniiancc .'\t Canton (1780)
“ accompanied one of (be English gentlemen on a visit to a
person of tlie first distinction in llieplace; the enptnin having
been previously instTuclcd tliul llic point uf politeness con¬
sisted in rtmaiiiin^ unsealed as long as i>oss»b(e, reuiUly sub*
milled to this piece of etiquette; after which he and his friend
were treated with tea, and some fiesh and prcserveil fruits.
Their entertainer was very coqMilcnt, bad a dull heavy coun¬
tenance, and displayed great gravity in his depoituient. He
had learned to speak a little broken £nglisk and Porlugitcse.
After liis two guests had Uikcn their refreshment, he con¬
ducted them about liis house and garden, and when lie had
shown them all the iinprovements he was making they took
their leave.”— Cook's Voyages, toI, i». p. 243. Ed. 1793.
[Any one acquainted with Qiina must, at once, perceive that
the person of distinction alluded to could not have been a
tnaiidariu, but was a mere inetehant.]

102

HISTORICAL OUTLINE.

unimportant in itself, is gpven in a note, as
strongly evincing the submissive spirit which
then prevailed among the English in China.

Equally characteristic is the following extract
from the Company’s records:—

In 1781 Captain M'Lary of the Dadaloy, a
private ship, learning, on his arrival at Wham¬
poa, that war had broken out between the
English and the Dutch, ventured on the un¬
justifiable proceeding of seizing on a ship
with Dutch colours, as a lawful prize, and
refused to resign her, when ordered to do so by
the Chinese. " This led to a long and vexa¬
tious correspondence with the supercargoes,
who were ordered to compel obedience, and
threatened with fine and imprisonment. The
matter was afterwards compromised by Captain
IVTLary dmiting the hootj/ toilh the Chi/iCAC, who
then treated him wUh viarkcd attention and favour,
blit contimied to offer insuUs and injurkf: to the
supercargoes, so great as to render it doubtful
ichether they wouUl not be compelled to take to
their ships”*

In early times the Chinese appear to have
taken no cognizance of offences, committed by
one foreigner against another, leaving them to
the more equitable jurisdiction of the respective
Rations, whose subjects were implicated. An

' Company’* Rcconis, Lords’ Report, ]82), p. 294.

HISTORICAL OUTLINE.

103

affray, however, having taken place in 1754,
between some English and French sailors, in
which one of the former was killed, tlie Chinese,
for the first time, exercised- their jurisdiction in
cases of this description, at the instigation (as
the French allege) of the English; which, if
true, is a very serious accusation, more particu¬
larly as the Chinese seized and executed an
innocent Frenchman for the crime. The cor¬
respondence on the subject has been published.
“ It only now remains for us to know,” say the
French to the English, “the motive which could
have induced you to demand justice from the
Chhicxc Oovcrnmait, with so much importunity,
for tlie man who has been killed. We can only
think that you had no other intention than that
of injuring our commerce; but, gentlemen, in
doing us a wrong, you do H to posterily and io
all the foreign nations that arc hen.

‘‘ It is morally certain that the Chinese will no
sooner have taken cognizance of affairs between
Europeans, than it will he no longer possible to
preserve that liberty which all nations have hitherto
enjoyed, and by their acting on this occasion, they
would use it adoanlagcously to search by force into
onr very privacies for persons charged with the
slightest offence." —Since tliis occurrence, the
Chinese have occasionally exercised their juris¬
diction in such matters, and at other times have
waived it, according to the caprice or conveni¬
ence of the moment.

KM HISTORICAL OUTLINi:.

The East India Company’s monopoly being
now at an end, the foregoing details would
not have been entered on, were it not of im¬
portance, and, indeed, quite indispensable, in
the consideration of our future relations with
China, to be fully aware of the circumstances
which have preceded and originated our present
unfortunate position in that empire. And the
writer is much mistaken if it have not appeared
that the disabilities under which we labour, are
little more than must have been expected from
the faulty system hitherto pursued.*

It has been usual to attribute Chinese restric¬
tions on Europeans to the twofold impulses of
arrogance and fear; but the writer thinks he
has proved that avarice has operated with them
as a more powerful motive than either; on the
sound conclusion that their extortions could be
best perpetuated by founding them on disabili¬
ties and degradation.

• It is with much regret the writer has come to this con¬
clusion, which is at variance with the opinion he formerly
entertained, before having instituted minute inquiries into tiie
leading facts detailed in tlie foregoing pages.

105

SOME INSTANCES OF SUCCESSFUL NEGOTIA¬
TION WITH THE CHINESE.

Allusion was made at page 13 to the spirited
exertions of the East India Company’s super¬
cargoes, on,several occasions, by way both of
remonstrance and resistance, when encounter¬
ing Chinese oppression. It was also stated
generally, that, notwithstanding all the embar¬
rassments which fettered and restricted such
operations, they were attended with a degree of
success which affords conclusive evidence that
only a moderate degree of firmness will suffice
to procure the most important concessions from
the Chinese. In justice to these supercargoes,
and also for the information of those desirous of
obtaining a clearer insight into the practical
details of this question, the following instances
have been selected.

The most remarkable was that which occurred
in the year 18213, when the embarrassed state of
trade, from increasing exactions, and the bank¬
rupt condition of a majority of the ten or twelve
Hong merchants, to whom foreign dealings are
restricted, induced the supercargoes to suspend
the Company’s trade for several months. The
result was a reduction, by Imperial sanction, of
about 170/. in the port charges of every ship
trading at Canton; while the exactions on the

ibti SOME INSTANCES OF SUCCESSFUL

appointment of new Hong merchants, which had
previously deterred applicants for the otfice,
were ordered to be discontinued, and several
accessions to their number accordingly took
place,—thus relieving the trade from the para¬
lyzing effects of a monopoly by two or three
individuals. The compulsory sepamtion of the
sexes was discontinued, foreigners being per¬
mitted to enjoy the society of their wives and
families at Canton, and other minor advantages
were in course of aerjuisition.

Towards the end of 1830 some opposition was
again attempted to the residence of foreign
ladies at Canton. The Viceroy tried the effect
of intimidation, and instructed the llong mer¬
chants to threaten that Mrs. Baynes, the wife of
the senior supercargo, would be seized and
carried off, if she did not quietly quit Canton.
The supercargoes on this, with great prompti¬
tude and resolution, ordered up 150 armed
seamen, witli two great guns, to protect their
factory,—a guard which remained in Canton
for about ten days, till the Houg merchants
gave a written assurance that the ladies should
not be molested,—the trade all this time going
on with as much quiet and regularity as if there
were nothing in dispute. Most unfortunately,
orders arrived, a few days afterwards, from the
Court of Directors, suspending from their situa¬
tions, the spirited supercargoes, Messrs. Baynes,

NEGOTIATION WITH'THE CHINESE. 107

Millett, and Bannerman, who had carried these
reforms. The Chinese took their cue accord¬
ingly ; in the course of the season the ladies
were obliged to quit Canton! Affairs indeed
generally took a retrc^rade turn; but fortu¬
nately the important abatement of about 170/.
in the port charges still continues.

Previously to 1825 foreigners had no legiti¬
mate mode of passing between Canton and
Macao without paying irregular fees, to the
amount of about 50/. on each trip, which was
found so serious a grievance, that it was deter¬
mined to make a vigorous effort to obtain its
discontinuance. Accordingly, after various pe¬
titions were presented, without effect, through
the usual channel of the llong merchants, thirty-
seven foreigners (of whom the author was one),
of different nations, resolved to rush into the
city, to obtain an audience of the Viceroy.
Not knowing his Excellency’s residence, how¬
ever, they entered the first official dwelling
which came in their way, and which chanced
to be that of the Kwang-Hee, an officer in
charge of the police. Here, after a time, they
were met by the Hong merchants, who used
every persuasion and artifice to induce them to
retire, while the Mandarins were collecting
troops to surround and intimidate them, jill,
however, in vain! At last, as the dusk of the*
evening approached, the Chinese, seeing no

108

SOMK lIi^TANeeS, ETC.

otlier mode of dislodging the intruders, gave a
pledge (which has ever since been rigidly kept),
that the objectionable fees should be discon¬
tinued; and the invaders of Canton walked
quietly home! Next day an edict was pub¬
lished, alleging that each of these foreigners had
been tied to a soldier’s back, and so carried out
of the city, to be placed in custody of the Hong
merchants, there to await the punishment due to so
heinous an offence. On this occasion the presid¬
ing Mandarin passed his hand round the author's
neck, to intimate that he would lose his bead if
be should ever venture on a repetition of so
audacious a proceeding.

In 1807 and 1821 serious discussions and
interruptions of trade occurred, in consequence
of the Chinese demanding tlm surrender of
Englishmen, to suffer death in retaliation for the
loss of the lives of natives in affrays with Eng¬
lish sailors. On both occasions the firmness of
the supercargoes induced the Chinese to desist
from their demands, contrary to the fatal prece¬
dent afforded by the sacrifice of the gunner of
the Lady Hughes, who was unceremoniously
strangled in 1784. Sir James Urmston, chief
of the factory in I82J, received the honour of
knighthood for the judiciousness of liis negotia¬
tions.

But, a more remarkable instance than either

RRMARKAnLK IMRCRIAL RDfCT.

109

(already recorded in these pages*) occurred in
1833, when the Chinese, being unable to obtain
the surrender of a British victim, actually hired
a foreigner to permtate the alleged guilty indivi¬
dual, and undergo the farce of a trial, under a
pledge of hie life being spared!

REMARKABLE IMPERIAL EDICT,
Reprehending the extortions of the Hong Mer¬
chants, issued at the close of the discussions with
Lord Napier.

“ At Canton there are merchants who have of
late been in the habit of levying private duties,
and incurring debts to barbarians; and it is
requested that r^ilations be established to
eradicate utterly such misdemeanors. The com¬
mercial intercourse of outside barbarians with
the inner land is owing indeed, to the compas¬
sion of the celestial empire. If all the duties
which are required to be paid can, indeed, be
levied according to the fixed tariff, the said
barbarian merchants roust certainly pay them
gladly, and must continually remain tranquil.
But if, as is now reported, the Hong merchants

* See note, p. G4.

no REMARKABLE IMPERIAL EDICT.

have of late been in a feeble and deficient state, and
have, in addition to the government duties, added
also private duties; while fraudulent individuals
have further taken advantage of this to make
gain out of the Custom-house duties, peeling off
(from the barbarians) layer after layer, and
having gone also to the extreme degree of the
government merchants, incurring debts to the
barbarians, heaping thousands upon ten thou¬
sands ; whereby arc stirred up sanguinary quar¬
rels ; if the merchants thus falsely, and under the
name of tariff duties, extort each according to his
own wishes, going even to the extreme degree of
incurring debts, amount upon amount, it is not
matter of surprise if the said barbarian merchunts,
unable to bear their grasping, stir up disturbance.
Thus, with regard to the affair this year of the
English Lord Napier, and others, disobeying the
national laws and bringing forces into the inner
river, the barbarians being naturally crafty and
artful, and gain being their only object, we
have no assurance that it was not owing to the
numerous extortions of the Canton native mer¬
chants, that they, their minds being discon¬
tented, thereupon craftily thought to carry
themselves with a high hand. If regulations be
not plainly established, strictly prohibiting
these things, how can the barbarou.s multitude
be kept in subjection, and misdemeanors be
eradicated ?

ON THE ABBITBARY DOTIES, ETC. 11*1

“ Let Loo (the Goveraor) and his colleagues
examine with sincerity and earnestness; and if
offences of the above description exist, let them
immediately inflict severe punishment; there¬
fore let there not be the least connivance or
screening. Let them also, with their whole
hearts, consult and deliberate; and report fully
and with fldelity as to the measures they, on
investigation, propose for the secure establish¬
ment of regulations; so as to create conftdent
ho])cs that the barbarians will be disposed to
submit gladly, and that fraudulent merchants
will not dare to indulge in peeling and scraping
them. Then will they (Loo and his colleagues)
not fail of fulfllling the duties of their offices.
Make known this edict, llespect this.”

ON THE ARBITRARY DOTIES LEVIED ON
FOREIGN TRADE AT CANTON.

Partli/ abstracted from a paper of the East I/idia
Company's Factory.

** The impossibility of obtaining from the Go¬
vernment any fixed tariff of duties, has been for
many years one of the prominent evils in the
commercial system of Canton ; and it being the
policy of all parties. Government, Hong mer¬
chants, and Linguists, to keep foreigners in a

112 ON THE ARBITRARY DOTIES LEVIED

perfect state of ignorance of the mode and rate
of duties levied on foreign trade, this may in a
great measure account for the circumstance,
that scarcely any two persons wjio have en¬
deavoured to gain information on these points,
could arrive at the same result.” An official
Custom House book for the province of Canton,
has been printed by Imperial authority in five
volumes, which, however, is but rarely prooiir-
able by foreigners, and only with considerable
difficulty and expense. This contains the tariff
which ought to regulate the payment of duties.
In addition to the prescribed rates, it directs a
further charge of ll j |>er cent, on the amount
of duty; in lieu of which, liowever, the Canton
Custom-house levies 30 per cent., being an un¬
authorised increase of nearly a fifth ; while - I.5
decimals of a tael, per pecul, arc charged for
weighing expenses in lieu of only *038 deci¬
mals, the prescribed rate. But these are rela¬
tively unimportant in comparison with the
heavy exaction of 3 ]ier cent., which the Hong
merchants unautborisedly levy on all goods, ex¬
cepting woollens, long cloths, cotton yarn, and
iron, as a contribution to what is called tlte
CoNsoo FUND, originally instituted for the
purpose of liquidating the foreign debts of
bankrupt Hong merchants;* but never honestly

* See anle, page 96.

ON FOREIGN TRADE AT CANTON. 113

appropriated to that object. And the Cohong
having lately passed a new regulation disclaim¬
ing their corporate liability for such debts, no
legitimate plea remains for the continuance of
this iiregular imposition; which ought not to
be longer submitted to. Thus diverted from its
o’l'iginal purpose, the Consoo fund is now ap¬
propriated, by the llong merchants, solely to
bribery and to the payment of the irregular
exactions of the Mandarins (locally termed
miuecses). The annual amount thus wrung
from foreign traders, by the mere fat of the
Hong merchants, and entirely subject to their
irresponsible control, is immense. The fol¬
lowing are said to be some of the purposes
to which it is appropriated:—

Annual tribute to the Emperor . . £18,000

Fur repairing the Yellow River embankments . 10,000

Expenses of an agent at Pekin ■ . 7,000

Dirth-day presents to the Emperor . , . 43,000

Do. do. to llie lloppo or Commissioner

of Customs. 7,000

Presents to do.’s mother or wife .... 7,000

Du. to various ofTicers .... 13,000

Expenditure for Tartariau ginseng, which the Em¬
peror compels them to porchase . . 47,000

Total .... £152,000

There is, however, yet another class *of

fl4 ON THK ARBITRARY DUTIES LEVIED

charges to which foreign trade is liable, called
sz€ ic, business or trade regulations, which it is
impossible to fix. “ This consists entirely of
an arrangement between tbe Hong merchant
who acts as bi-oker, and the native merchants
who purchase the various articles; and varies
according to the prices of the goods, and the
expectations of those who profit by the charge.
On some articles, particularly cotton and cotton
twist, the amount is very considerable, com¬
prising a great variety of charges, as allowance
for loss of interest, different inodes of payment,
warehouse rent, expenses of weighing at
Whampoa, kc .,—all these are expressed by
distinct, and (to use a vulgar expression) slang
terms, which are only intelligible to those
Chinese who arc intimately conversant with
the particular trade to which they allude. In
cotton, for instance, if sold at ten taels, only
nine taels and seven decimals are paid, and the
dollar is estimated at *707, instead of *718 deci¬
mals of a tael. What the obj^t in this species
of self-deception as to the nominal price is, it is
difficult to say •, but it really in some degree
bears the appearance of being intended to mys¬
tify the transactions, so as to render them unin¬
telligible to foreigners.”

,The bearing of the foregoing various charges

ON rOREIUN 'fRAUK AT CANTON.

llS

on the article of cotton
example:—

is subjoined, by way of

Authorned by ChiacM Tarifl*.

Ifvng iUcxchanu' EiMtioni.

COTTOK, BECU.

Impenal duty, tael 0*1500
Authorized addition,

11^ per cent.... 0*0174
Do. weighing chatgic 0*0380

DECLS.

Hong Merchanti’ charge

30 per cent.0*045

Ditto,ditto.......... 0*150

Autharized duty,tael 0-2054

Charged by the Uoiig
MeiobanU, tael .... 0*345
AddConsoofund, 3 p. ct. 0*240

Sze le, or trade charts 0*915

Totiil deduction, which a foreigiier pays, from |
the price of his Cotton, per pecal.J

Tad 1*500

ON THE CRIMINAL AND ADMIRALTY JURISDIC¬
TION FOR THE TRIAL OF BRITISH SUBJECTS
IN CHINA, CONFERRED, BY ACT OF PAR-
UAMENT, ON HIS MAJESTY’S SUPERINTEND¬
ENTS.

This anomalous jurisdiction has been de*
nounced by many as an unjustifiable imperium
in imperic, which could not possibly be tolerated
by the Chinese with any regard to their inde*
pendence as a nation. This, however, is veVy
far from being the case; and the jurisdiction jii
question formed no part of the grounds on
which the Chinese objected to receive the late

I 2

1*10 ( RIMINAL JURISDICTION, KT( .

Lord Napier. *' Of late years,” says Dr. Mor¬
rison, the plan adopted by the Chinese, in
cases of homicide, has been to demand of the
fellow-countrymen of the alleged manslayer,
that the guilty person should be found out, and
handed over to the Chinese for punishment.
This is in effect to constitute them a criminal
court. Were a man to be delivered up by the
individuals thus called upon, he would be rc-
gaided by the government as already con¬
demned. His punishment, painful exp^ience
tells us, would be certain. Since, then, the
Chinese are thus ready to regard foreigners as
the judges of, their fellow»countrymen, why
should foreign governments hesitate to establish
criminal courts ?”*

Repeated government edicts might be quoted
in support of these views. Let one suffice—
issued on the occasion of the American homi¬
cide, in 1821 ;—

“ As the officers of government do not under¬
stand the language of the foreigners, it has
always heretofore been the practice to order the
chiefs of the respective countries to find out the
murderer, and question him fully, and ascertain
distinctly the facts, and then deliver him up to
government; after which a Linguist is sum-

* From a paper by tlie late Dr. Morrison, in liis son’s
Commercial Guide, p. fil.

ON HOMICIDES IN CHINA.

117

moned, the interri^tories translated, and the
evidence written down, and the prosecution
conducted to a close.”

The representatives of Christian powers in
Turkey have long exercised a nearly similar ju¬
risdiction. “ For very manyyears,” it is stated
in M'Farlane’.s Constantinople, “ no such thing
as an execution of Franks, by Turkish law, had
been seen in the Levant, where otFenders are
given over to their respective consuls, who take
into their own hands their punishment, if the
otfence be light, or send them home to be tried
by the laws of their country, if serious.”

REMARKS ON HOMICIDES IN CHINA.
By tub late Rby. Dk. R. Mobrisok.

From what foreigners have witnessed in
cases of manslaughter, they have inferred that
the Chinese government acted rather from a
spirit of revenge than according to law. That
this is true appears to be indeed the caso from
a state paper quoted in the 34th section of the
Chinese penal code. During the 11 th moon of
the 13th year of Keiinlung, a. d. 1749, jhe
then governor of Canton, named Y^seuii, re¬
ported to the Emperor, that lie had tried Aoolon

118

UN HOMICIDES IN CHINA.

and other Macao furdgnere, who had caused
the death of two Chinese;* and having sen¬
tenced them to be bastinaded and transported,
had to request that, according to foreign laws,
they might be sent to Demaun. To this the
Emperor replied, that the governor had ma¬
naged very erroneously; that he should have
required ‘ life for life.’—* If,’ it was added,

‘ you quotd> only our native laws, and accord¬
ing to them sentence to the bastinado and
transportation, then the fierce and unruly dis¬
positions of the foreigners will cease to be
afraid.’ The Emperor thus declared (and his
imperial decision is reprinted with every new
edition of the laws), that the native law alone is
not to be the guide of the local government
when the foreigners cause the death of natives. —
Tsze ying yih ming yih te —‘it is incumbent to
have life for life,’—in order to frighten and re¬
press the barbarians.

“ The Emperor was wroth with the governor
for transporting the criminals to Demaun; and
directed that, if not yet sent away, the sen¬
tence should be reversed and death inflicted.
If already gone, a proclamation was to be
issued to the foreigners, telling them that the
mode of treatment would be different hereafter,

* Tlic European account is, that two soldiers murdered two
Chinese, and were falsely represented insane.

UN HOMICIDES IN CHINA. Hi)

tliat SO foreigners might all fear and obey. By
sending the men to Demaun, said his Majesty,
it became uncertain to the Chinese wbetiier
they received any punishment or not. The lost
lives of the two natives were therefore con¬
sidered not worth a straw.

“ From this account it isevident that foreigners
do not enjoy the protection of the Chinese laws.
For them there is but one rule in all cases—life
for life. For the Chinese, on the contrary,
there are these three distinctions;

“ 1. Killing with intention,—punishable by
death.

“ 2. Killing by pure accident,—a mulctuary
oifence.

‘'3. Killing in lawful self-defence,—not punish¬
able at all.

“The first, indeed—killing with intention,—is
more comprehensive than in the west, includ¬
ing all deaths occasioned, however remotely, by
affrays, or dangerous sports;—thus if a by¬
stander is killed by a blow aimed at another,
in anger or in sport, it is reckoned intentional
murder, and usually punished by death; though
ill a modified form. Purely accidental man¬
slaughter is that caused by something beyond
the control of the mauslaycr, as the dropping of
a stone, hatchet, &c. which by chance falls,oii
and kills a passer-by. Killing in self-defence
is mucli more resliicled than with us.”

MEMORIALS

TO HIS MAJESTY’S GOVERNMENT,

SOLICITINC PROTECTION TO THE BRITISH TRAHi;

IK CHINA.

HiOil THE MERCHANTS OF
AIANCIIKSTF.R, I.IVFJIPOOI, CUSCWW, AM) CANTON,

"o lh( Right HooouraUe The Lord Viscount Melbourne,
■'irst Cowiiissioaet of His Majesty’s Treasury, &c.
and •

I Ik. iioiiouniUc The Loid Viscount Palmerston, M.P.
’•'.i Majesty’s Secretary of State for Foreign Alfairs,
Vc

The Memorial «rfOi:; PiC'idjiu, VircPrcsiilcnt, and Directors
of tlw Chamber oi' Coiu.nefce anil Manufactures at
Manchester,

Shbwktb,

That your memorialists beg to draw your Lordships
attention to the great importance tlie trade to Chin^ to
tlie mercantile, manofacUiiiug, aud sliipping interests of.
Great Uritain, and to dte unprotected situation of out com-

MEMORIALS.

122

mcrce in that country, and of our fellow-subjects resident in
China, through whose medium the trade is conducted. .

That the trade appears to your memorialists, to be capable
of great extension and of increased advantages to this country.
Its present importance may be briefly brought to your Lord-
ships notice.

It affords employment for nearly one hundred thousand
tons of British shipping.

It adbrds a market for the manufoctnres of this country to
a large and rapidly increasing amount, and for the produc¬
tions of our Indian possessirms, to the extent, it is believed,
of upwards of three millioBS sterling per annum, which
enables our Indian subjects to consume our manufactures
on a lai^ely increased scale.

That no couotry presents to us the basis of a more legiti¬
mate and mutually advantageous trade than China; for the
productions of that country, are as admirably suited to our
wants and necessities, as ours are to theirs. The returns
which China present to us, for these large imports from Great
Britain and India, are principally teas and raw silk. That
the value of raw silk imported from China, exceeds one million
of pounds sterling per aiimim^ the want of which would
greatly paralyze a most important and rapidly growing manu¬
facture.

That your memorialists cannot contemplate without the
most serious alarm, the uncertain and Unprotected state, in
whici) this most important trade is [daced, more particularly
since the failure of the late Lord Napt^'s mission.

That this large and valuable trade, is at the present mo¬
ment without any adequate protection, and subjected to the
arbitrary exactions of the Houg merchants, (a body of men
through whom alone our transactions are permitted to be
conducted, nearly all of them in embarrassed circumstances,

, and many of them insolvent,) ^nd of the corrupt local ofli-
cers at Cairton, who.se cxaclious, it is believed, are contrary

MEMOR1AL8.

1-23

to the law of the Empire, and to the wishes of the govern¬
ment.

That the trade is liable at any moment to be stopped by the
caprice of the Hong merchants and local government, whose
exactions, beyond what the law authorises, are frequent.

That British property is daily in jeopardy; our country¬
men daily subjected to iosult; our Sovereign, in the person of
Ills Representative, the late Lord Napier, has been subjected
to indignity; our industry is liable to be paralyzed; our
revenue exposed to the loss of from four to five millions
sterling a-year. This accumulation of evils your memorialists
beg most respectfully, but most earnestly to submit, calls for
the protecting influence of the British Government, which, it
is believed, will prove more efiective, if directed to the
supreme Government, than through the corrupt and distant
medium of the iuferior officers at Canton.

Your memorialists, therefore, humbly pray that your Lord¬
ships will take into your early and serious consideration,
the nature of our political relations with China, and that your
Lordships will adopt such measures, as, in your wisdom may
be considered most effectual, for the protection of British
subjects resident in China, and the property entrusted to their
care.

And aa in duty hound they will ever pray.

Manchester, Febrmry, 1836.

124

MEMOREALit'.

TO THE RIOUT IIOMOURADLE

THE LORD VISCOtNT MELBOURNE.

FIRST LORD OP HIS MAJESTY’S TREASURY :

THE MEMORIAL OP THE LIVERPOOL EAST INDIA
ASSOCIATION,

RbSPECTJULLY SlIBWETH,

That your memorialials view, with aerloua uneasinew, the
unprotected state in which the eitensive trade between ihia
country and China is placed, eqtecially since the failure of
the mission of the late Lord Napier.

This trade labours under two great evils, from which arise
most of the other grievances by which it is oppressed :->-FirBt,
the imposition, by the Canton local officers, of unauthorised
and arbitrary duties, greatly exceeding the established tariff.
And secondly, the restriction of the trade to ten or twelve
Chinese, under the name of Hong merchants, roost of
whom are in embarrassed circumstances. To these Hong
merchants all imports must be passed for sale, wholly out of
the owner’s custody and control, and while they thus mono*
polize the trade of British sut^ccU, they are invested with
the inconsistent power of governing them, under the plea that
Europeans are a barbarous and degraded race, un6t to be
placed within the pale of Chinese law, and therefore not to be
allowed to approach the tribunals and established authorities

MEM08IAI.S.

12*5

of the country. Hence results a systematic denial of justice,
accompanied by an endless train of wrongs and disabilities,
which greatly hinder the natural progress of the trade, which
they assume the right to suspend entirely at any moment,
whenever they may be desirous of enforcing the submission of
foreigners to their irregular proceedings. This power they
recently exercised, as your Lordship is aware, by putting a
stop to commercial dealings, on their own authority, without
even the form of a government order, in the course of their
discussions with the late Lord' Napier, on the mere ground of
his Lordsliip’s residing in Canton; a proceeding which it is
important to distinguish from the more serious events which
followed on Ilis Majesty’s slups retuniing the fire of the
Chinese forts when on their progress to Join the merchant
shipping, at Whampoa.

Should the indignities oSbred to Ills Majesty’s representa¬
tive, terminating in his Lordship's dea^, and the severe losses
occasioned to British merebanu and ship owners, from tho
stoppage of trade which then occurred, be allowed to pass
without etTectual remonstrance on the part of His Majesty’s
government, your memorialists apprehend not only a ma¬
terial aggravation of existing evils, but the strongest probability
of constant collisions and interruptions of trade, equally pre¬
judicial to British merchants, as to the immense revenue
derivable from that source to His Majesty's Exchequer.

From the professions of good will towards foreigners, uni¬
formly expressed in Imperial edicts, and the redress afforded
in the rare instances in which an appeal to the supreme
government was formerly praclicaUe, your memorialists are
impressed with the conviction that the grievances under
which the trade is suffering, are attributable, rather to the
corrupt administration of the Canton local officers, than to
any adverse feeling on the part of the Imperial cabinet.

Your memorialists will only add, that the trade for whtch
they thus solicit protection, employs about six millions
sterling of British capital, and ninety thousand tons of ship-

MEMORIALS.

1‘2G

ping, besides yielding an annnal revenue of four to five
millions slerling, on the single commodity of tea ( while it
supplies to a great extent the article of raw silk, now become
indispensable to a rising and important branch of British
manufactures.

Your memorialists, therefore, earnestly pray, that your
Lordship will adopt such measures as may secure for British
commerce and British subjects in China, the same degree of
protection, which His Majesty’s government extends to tliem
in otiier foreign countries.

Liverpool, Felirvary, ISSfi.

(COPY.)

VKTO THK

RIGHT HON. LORD VISCOUNT MELBOURNE,
FIRST LORD OF HIS MAJESTY’S TREASURY, Ac. &c. Ac.

THE MEMORIAL OF THE GLASGOW EAST INDIA
ASSOCIATION,

Rbspectfullt Sheweth,

That while your memoriaiisU feel deeply sensible of the
vaUe of that great measure of pariiament, by which the China
seas were opened to the enterprise of the British nation, they
feel themselves tilled upon to represent to your Lordship the

MENOKIAUS.

1^7

importance of having the trade with China placed on a more
secure footing than it at present enjoys.

Your memorialists lament the unfortunate result of the
late Lord Napier's mission to China, by which the position of
.Great Britain with that country has not been improved. Now,
as formerly, personal liberty is quite insecure, and the British
merchant possesses no kind of control over the sale or realiza*
lion of his own property. The goods British traders must
he passed for sale wholly out of Uie hands of the owner into
those of the Hong merchants, upon whom the owner possesses
no chock whatever. The trade is subjected to numerous
duties and heavy exactions, the rate and the mode of charging
which are arbitrary, and for the payment of a large proportion
of which the Hong merchants arc held responsible by the
Cliinesc government, Uius placing in jeopardy the whole pro¬
perty of British subjects and others, for debts due to govern¬
ment by these Hong metebanU, the majority of whom it is
notorious are in arrears for years past, and are in an insolvent
state.

These and other grievances will prevent the free trade of
Great Britain and China from expanding itself with the
rapidity and to the extent which the immense scope afforded
by the latter country, and the liberty lately granted by the
British legislature, would otherwise not fail to induce.

Your memorialists therefore submit to your Lordship, that
it would be of incalculable benefit to this country and our
Indian possessions, were it practicable to devise means for
establishing such a treaty of amity and commerce as would
remove the disadvantages under which the trade at present
labours; including also, if possible, a restoration of the privi¬
lege formerly possessed of trading to Amoy and other ports on
the east coast of China.

While your memorialists forbear recommending any parti¬
cular method of attaining this end, surrounded as the question
is with much difficulty, they cannot omit stating to your
Ix>rd8hip, that in their opinion the object iiftended is much

MEMORIALS.

more likely to be accomplished by a direct application to the
court at Pekin, than by negotiation through inferior officers of
the Chinese government

Your memorialists presume further to suggest to your Lord-
ship, that failing a satisfactory arrangement with the Chinese
government, it would be of the greatest advantage to British
trade in that part of the world, were hb Majesty's government
to obtain one or more of the islands near to China, as an em¬
porium for carrying on commerce free from the exactions,
control, or annoyance of the Chinese government. In the
conviction that this important subject will receive due consi¬
deration from your Lordship, the memorialists, as in duty
bound, will ever pray.

Signed OQ behalf of the Vast India Association of the City
of Glasgow,

(Signed) KIPKMAN FINLAY, CiiAiaMAV.

iiifl June, 183^.

l‘iU

TO rni

KI.NfiS KXCKI.I.ENT MAJESTY

IN l Ol NCIl.:

I'Hi; I'l',) [ily.v OK TJIL l NDWlMtVflONKO MHTISII
Hjtcrs AT CAN ION,

HlIUIII.Y SlIlitYSTII,

Tliiit wc nrc uiUitccd, by tbc extraordinary iXDsiliun in ri^oxniiniiii.ii
which we feel ouricivos pUccu m reUUoii lo U19 Chinese
Uuvetnmeiil, tu petition your Majesty in council to take siipli IJ,',",',"'"'*'"'
measures as may be atiapird alike to maintain llic iionniir of
our country, and the udvaiilagcs whicli a safs^ and imiiiter-
rii[itc<l eommcrcu witli China is calculatud to yield to tba
ivveiiues of Great Uriiain, and to the iraportaot classes in¬
terested iu its arts and manufactures.

We heg humbly to rqtrcscnt, tliat at the present moment, vmir
the cominiasioiievs appointed by your Majesty to superintend
the affairs of British subjects tradinr at Canton, are not ■•'“fciiini! ui.ir
aclcnnwletlgctl by the constitnted autboritics of tliis couiilry, ,o„

uiid that they arc not iicruittcd to rcidde wiihia the limits to i:i,.

which tlicir jurisdictiou is, hy their commission, strictly con¬
fined : while they arc forbidden by tbeir instructimis to appeal
to the ini|)erial goveriiment at Peking, and arc pcrfci'tl^
powerless 10 jcscnt die iiid^itks otferud to the bte chief
sii|ieriiitoii(leiit, or lo compel reparatioii for ihfe injuries done

VIKMORIVI.^.

u]M>k )ihlury
nliii'iiui M*

I i}i\m
Vl'K lllill
<1 IklllDli' III

<:ui;rkiv In
Ihi); hIiIi I|«

ITllUll'lkl jii
i tit »iilirnJ>>kliMi
'niilrMiH i^T

[/ITlI N^lplfl
i litei) fur*
u lllk force
I noilkurity id

■III illMlIl, vtv
' ronfMti'Ul,
Hioul :i »|ia4ow
thnt ]ii«
!i<iun ntwilil
*'• lOCfcfiU'il.

i;i(i

n youi :;iib]w't« liyllii- ljl«'imiivoi uki'il ^loppn;',''

Ilf their trade.

Your iK’liliuncts are well persiiwlcil that tin' i>orven veiled
in your Majesty’s nwimissoners were lluis rcslrieicd with llu'
(■x))rcss olijeel of avoiding, as far as [wasible, all orrasioii ul
rolh'sion with the Chinese aiilhorilies: while it wa^ liojtod
ilinl, by nniinUiining a direct iiitercoarsc with the prmeip:^
nflicers of gorernn^cnl, instead of indirectly conintniiiealin^
tliroii;;h the VIong mctclianis, a sure way would lu' opeiu'd
for the improvement of llie present very objcctionnhlc fooling
on winch foreign raetchaiiU stand in Utis cointlry, and I'ur
security against the many wrongs and inconveniences wluVh
they have liad to snffer in the present stale of their commerriid
avocations.

Your petitioners, however, hog leave roost carncslly lu
sitlmiit to your Majesty incoiiiK-il, their thorough eoiivirtiun,
fuimdcd on the invariahic tenor of the whole history of Ibreigii
intercourse with China, as well as of its |>olicy on orensions ol
internal eoromotion, down to the present moment, tliut (lie
most unsafe of all conrses that caw l)C followed in troaliiig
with the Cliincsc govcmincnt, or any of its fnnclionavies, is
lliatof quiet submission to insult, or such unresisting endu¬
rance of eentemptnous or wrongful ircatincnt, us may com¬
promise the honour, or bring into question tlic power of our
country. We cannot, ibcrefure, but deeply dvplorc lluil su'-h
authority to mgotialc, and such force to protect from
insult, as the occasion demands, were not entrusted to yoin
Majesty’s cojuinissioncrs, confident as vrn are, willioul i
shadow of doubt, that, had the reiuisitc powers, properly
sustained by an armed fonx, been ivosscsscd by your Mnic’s-
ty'slatc first commis^ci, the lamented Lord Napier, we
should not now have to deplore tlic degraded ami inrjreim-
)iosition in which we arc placed, in consequence of the repir -
Antativc of our Sovereign having Irecn comjXillcd to r('lli<-
i'coni Canlon, witlioul having authority lo uli'cr any romoii-
<tram'i- tn ,q •nijimw govemmeni, ni lo niiikc u demon,

MKtIURIll.S.

slr.iliuii (jl n r.'!>t>liiti»ii to obtiitii n‘|anluiii nl oiirc, for llic
insiilis nniitonly lio;i|iC(l upon bim by the local authorities.

Your jiotiiioiiers, ikrcfoa-, humbly pray that your '[vi;',;',
jMlywill be plciiseii to grant powers |ileiii|wlcnliary to sudi
persDii of suitable I'aiik.ditcrciion, and dipldmatic exjx:rietirr,'I',';’;,
as your Mijosly, in your wodom inayUiiuk lit and l'ro)>cr

^ bt! entrusted tvitli such authority; and your petitioners ll',','"]'^"7.'.

woiilil siigi'csl Hint lie lie dirccleil to proceed to a eoiivenicnt iir.ili ,".

station on ilic cast eoust of China, as near to the capital of

tlie coiiiiiry as iii.iy be found mo.st expedient, in one of youi

Majesty's ships'll' the line, altcndisl by a suflicieiit muriliiiu'

roreo, which uv air; of i^nion ncetl not consist of more liiati

two I'u^aUs, and tliro*' nr four armed rcsscls of lig^it draft.

tnjcllior with ;i steam vessel, all fully manned; that he mav, 'i'

previously in laiulitif, requiit', in the first iiislaucc, in ' 1>2

ntmie of yniir Mujcsly. ample rcpai-.ilion for the insults ofteictl 7',j",

by the goveniw of Kwauglini; and Kwaiigw in hi* edicts

jiuhlislied cm tlic occasion of Urd Napier’s arrival at Cauloii, ’ii,'.,.

and ilia anliscqnonl hnniilialing conduct pursued lowawU

his Lordslup, in wliieli llic nggravatiou of Ins illness and deiiLh

may Im ntti'ilmler.]; ns well as fur the airogant and degrading

laiigtiiigc used towards your Alajvsly ami onr country lit

rdlola cmaiiaiing from the local aulhorilu.-s, wlicicin your iii.iiluii|ii>.i''<"

Majesty was rcpri'sciiletl as the “ rcvx'rcntly snbmissiee"

triliiilary of the 1iiiii|)cror of Cliina, and your Alajesty's suli

jecisas priilligaic barbarians, and that they be retracted, ami

never :i|;aiii einployed by Chinese funetionarirs: that he mav

also (Ivmaml iviiaralwii for the insult offered to your Majvs-

ly'slliig iiy lifiiig on yonr Majesty 8 ships of war from liiv

furls at (lie Uogiie, and that mnnncration shall 1 h- made i<i

your Majesty’s sulijccts for the losses Utey bare sustained by

the detoutinii of their ships during the stoppage of tlieir Ir.vh .

Afier these pvelimiiiarics sltnli bare been conccdcsl, (a.s vnm''"" 'n'l'. mt..
putilioDors have no doubt they will be,) ami not till then, yui/l-1"]'“,^"
pdiiioncrs liiiinbly suggest that it willlv expnlK'iit for yoiii
Majisly’s pli'iiipoteniiary to |nopose the apiniin^viil of

k ->

• 1.12

MI^MOR[AI.S.

missioiicrs ou the (lartof the Chinesegovcrnnifiit, to adjust

with liitii, on shore, such measures as may lie deemed most
cffectiiiil 10 the prcventkm of rutiircoccasioii of compKiiiit and
iiiisuncirrslaiidiiig, and for the promolioii and cxlciisioii of
the trade gtticrally, to the mutual advantage of holli i-oiuitrics.
y.jur [wlitioners believe, llial if these iiiattci's shall be fairly
reprcsenieil, so as to do away with alt reasonable ubjertioR
and the favourable inclination of tlic Chinese commissioners
he gained, there will be found little disimsition on the )«rt ot

the supreme government U> witliliold its assent, and every
ilesitable object will thus have been attained,
nw iWcfiiiur. Vuur jrclitioncrs wouW hiimlily entreat your Majesty's
eJliN.llh.iIlli, favourable view of the.se sn^'estions. in the coulideufe th.il
llicy may be acte<i upon, not only witli every prospect of
success, but wiihoni the slightest dan;^ to the cxhsliiig coui'

a. ibruHc'iMf morcial iiilcrcunrso, itiasmncli, us even with a force nut cx>
VZh .I'l:till.'ii>p ceediiig that wliivli we have projiosed sliouhl be [ilaccd at the
L'.'mirriii ''^*' disposal of your Majesty's plFiii|>oteutiary, there wmiltl be no
nicKv.iij i.|iii. diflieulty, sitould pros'cediugs of a compulsory nature be rc>
hulled, in pulting a slop to the greater pait of llic eNtornnl
l»viiNP.'<rf,'»V internal commerce of the Chinese empire;—in iiiturccpl-
"'S fC'M'uw in their |imgres* to llw capital, und in taking
i.-i.iir; possession of all the aiiuoil vcvsci* of the coimlry, Jiiith
measures would not only bo sutficiont to ovinco bnili lliu
power and Sjiirit of Croat Britain to resent insiill, hut would

enable your Majesty’s plcni[)Olcuiiary to secure iiiduimiily for
any injury that might, in tlie first instance, bo olTorcd to the
persons or pmiKtly of your Majesty's jiibjecls; anil would
spovilily induce the Chinese goveniniciit to submit in just and
reasoiiahle terms. Wo are, at die same time, conlidonl, tliut
resort even to such nicasuics as thca', so far fiuin being likely
•iii.iiu. m,- to lead to more serious warfare, au iasjc whidi both oiir

I.HI.l, «l.|l lo I - .

jvgiii. interests and inclinations al.ke promiit us to doiirocaie, would

^ le the surest course for avokliug tlie dmigor of sncli a collision,
iiic iiort, r.if- " Your |ielitioiiers brg to submit that tliu moie icsliirniion of
'i'jsrty on|e ims-stssed of trailing to ,\iTioy, N)iig[)o, and

MKMORIAIJi.

('■husan, would lie foltowtH by the most bcncltdat coiise-"'■■’i '
(luences, not iiicndy in ilie oiore citciiclc<l field tliereliv (i[ieiicil '""'i'
l(ir commercial etilpr|>risc, btil in the ri?aliy which would lie
excited as loinicrlv, in the officers of ;xoreriimciil a* lliese
Several jioit'i, to allracl the rt-sorl of foreigii inercluiuts, and
, thus uxteiiil tlieir u'vn <>)iiii>Tliiiiitk-s of auqtiiriu^ ciiioluinctils
IVom tlic fr.ide.

'Villi rcsixx t, however, to this poiiil, or any other of corn- O'l lU l"•||•'

* * ^ l.ll

mereial interest tliat it would l>e expedient to make the sub- n ni

icet of ncKotiatinn, voni petitioners would huiiiblv smieist
that your Majesty's ininister in China should be inslrueled to

put himself in communicalion with tl»e merchants of Caiiton, *' ...

([ualificd IIS llicymusttx in a certain dc^ee by tlicircxpe-
I'icnru and observation to point out, in wliat respect the bene-
Ills that inl;'ht l)c rca|icl under a well n'-^iilated system of
cuniiuei'cial intcMoiirsu, are curLiiled or lost in conse<{iicnce
of llic rusli'ictioiis to which ilie trade is at present subjected,
and the arbitrary and irre^nliir exactions lowlm-h it is ex¬
posed either directly, ur not loss severely liooause iiidireetly,
ihrougb the uiediuiii of the very limited number of nicrcliimts
licensed to lieal with fyrei;'iici$. As an instance of the laller,
yuiir petitioners may sialc the fact, llat the whole ex|Knisv' of
tlic imiii^iisc |iri’[iaraiioiis lately made by the loral govern-
nielli <11 uppnse the e\[H-rted advance towards Caiiloii of venr
.llajesty's frigates after tlicy had )as«cd the llugue, has been
I'xluvicd I'loiii the Hung nwreliautsand a* but a lew ot
iliciii are in a really solmtl slate, they have no other ntvaiis
(if ineotinir this deiuand, but by combining to tax iioth the
iiii{i<ii't and export trade.

c

'Ve would further hiiinhiy, but ui^illy, submit, thal as we iv - i i..n...-
aiiiiol blit trace the disalnlilies and rcstricltoiis under wiiicli ch>iMi>i'h'.'iL"'

, , , . . , 4'liiiU'>i'«>\i I nlhi r

o(ir cuimiicrco now Uixnirs^ to a Iod^ ac(|U]C!ioi:(icc in ihu ar- r.hhims, tsi n.tci

, . , , r\tsliin: ili-.i-

ro^iint as^sii nipt ion ot siipmnacy mrr the moiiavchs njiu hjitiis; iioruiiii.-

II.I> roiily|.u> ilo
miaiiiinn.ikr
Sll.iiii.iliJi.

Iin himseir and liis subjects, wc are forred to conclude thal
III) essentially lienclieial result can be expected lo aibc out of

peojilc of Ollier countries, claimed by the limj

UEMOKiALS.

i;W

iicgotiaiions, in wbicli sudi prcten^is arc not dcclJcOly ic-
pellcd. Wc most seriously upprebeni), indeed, that ilic least
concession or wavuig of this point under present circiim-
stance?, could Dot fail to leave us as much as ever subject
to a rc[)etilion of the iiijiitics of wbicli we have now to
complain.

w»i'riyiini>iiiit \Vc would, therefore, humbly beseech yonr Majesly not to

will ugC •' ^

vui'* biduccd by a paternal rc|ard for your subjects traiiing to

empire, to leave it to the discretion ol' any future
Lu rcptcsciuativc of your Majesty, as was permiitetl in tlie case
fiinbassy of Lord Ainberst, to swerve in the smallest
degree from a dnect course of calm and dispassuinatc, but
dutcniiiiicd maintenance of the true rank of your Majesty's
empire in (be scale of uatiuns, well ussuind ns we feel, that
any descent from sndi just position, would be atlciuled v'n’-
worse conscijucnccs than if past events were to remain un¬
noticed, and we were to lie left for the future to conduct uu.
eoncerns with the Cliinese functionaiics, each as he kst

We |«m) itiAi no
piTxilt.s wild hitt'C
hit'ji rtii'.ijfil IhTg

in itAiU’, ur u),o
Jiavt viibiniltnl to
fT«tin

Tlic Ibini'yei lir
lo >\c-

giiri.iii'; ijihi only
rurtniiiiiurii •
riikin

Vrituuil iiiA
lliiiig nt lUul'UI,
llidt no Ihl'
n*h

^l»lU \mim

siiKit Ilf 0 bl'com*
ms rbCvptUiiu

may.

it would ill becMDc your Majesty's petitioners to point to
any individual as more comiKteut than nnotlicr to uudenakc
the office of placing on a secure and advantugcous footing
our commercial relations with this country. We may, how¬
ever, pciliups be permitted to suggest the inexpediency of
assigning such a task to any person previously known in
Chinn ns connected witli commerce conducted under tlie
trammels and degradations to which it bus liillicrtu been
subjected, or to any one, in short, who has bad the misfor¬
tune either in » public or jitivate capacity, lo endure insult or
injury from Chinese authorirics.

Tajuslly inexpedient would it be, as appears to your puti-
iloncrs, to treat whb any funcUonary not specially nominalud
by the Imper»] calrioel, awl not on any account with those
of (?aiitoii, whose roDSlant course of I'orriipt and oppressive
conduct forms a ^wniiienl (ftound of complniiit; or lo per¬
mit any fiiluic c(||niiiumonei to set his lout mi liiu shores of

(.'Iiiiia, iitiUl umplu assuruiicc is aflonlcft ul' a rccciHioii and
Irculmoiil siiilaljlc to the dignity of a minister of your Ma¬
jesty, and the honour of an empire tbat acknowledges no su¬
perior on earth.

And your petitioners sliall ever pray, Ucc.

Cuuliiii, OM /hfcmber, 1834.

{Signed by tlurly-iive of about forly-fiyc individuals, com¬
posing the resident British trading community, by ull
the cummaiidm of the Bust India Company's ships
who ruvisile<i Cunloii after the opening of the trade,
and by sevend other cominmiders and traders,—mak¬
ing in all eighly-eigbl Mgiialurcs.]

iMi’ours.

STATBMCNT OF TUB BRITISH TRAUK A’l THE I’OIVl

ON ACCOUNT OF THE IIONOl'KABLB CUMrAKY.

.Bilet

G.I32 Yds.GH7^l4
7.S2S I’cs. iso.ise
4«l 4fiO0

1.330 ».ano

UMV I’ccnb IBOO

Bio&ii cloUi...

TuDgclIs.

CnmIcU .

Biititfii C'oUun pictv gooiii
UiUo (Vtton luial .

Ditto SlufTj, (TiinKK (eipeiiiKBtal)

Daiij tnm .Tout I joi {*001113U.3U2

Uu.l . •• 1,110 18.654

I, Tads.

Ci.l'.'n, Hf ngal.Bales 33,834 " M.TI9.. <J3«,50l

lianiljay .. “ 31,078 63,538.. «t7;972|

Eliottv

.!/>.■$ H3;)

141

ON ITUVATE .ACCOUNT.

T.si. TmIs,

C'otiuii, ficngsi ..Feruls43.75l A 11 7 n.{Keul 511,88'

■' Mnifriis . •• 4,33!) ‘ 13 7 •• .W,7iw'

■' Honibay . 37«.4tJ*l«6 " 3,951.1'H

(ijuuin, I’alna anJ IltiisKS.
“ Milwa.

Hols. Ihlftirt'

.(Tiestj 7.5ll-«>:M|>.eb. 4.7«3,W9|
.. H),1021-67.5 •' 6,819,18?

17,61:4

IMi.

Sanbalwoob.Peeiils 3,6KO« IUft.pMul

IVpper. “ 33.I32* ••

.. •• 13,OW* 3 •’

Uciclmil. '* 57,035* 3}

I'otcliufk. " 3.1(6' ln| “

Olibatium. " 4.414* 4 “

EIh,iij . " 3.634* 3 "

BroiUt'lulli . I’ieccs 9<574' SBp.picce

JxinjelU. •• 9,610' 10{ "

IVorlevs . " 639' 13 "

Canik'ts . " .571' 33} "

CoUun|iiocegv«ls. “ 45,433 ' 4} "

Pririiccl diilo .. ..Valw..,...

Cniiim tnisi.i'ecBbl,344‘ 4il p.|iceol

CiK’liinoal . " 43*340 "

l.eail. " 3JW3* 4 "

Slwl. " 1,486' 4| "

CinirG /rnivrrl

Taels.
704,743
76.7,799
111,176
137,3*. ■

Ii6,0(iy

4.90!?

3:i.3?:il

5?,8:lil[

l,B10,!l'7j

l,33fi,4:il

54

3,137,510

3,516,77:1

J)ii6er>,

1I,6’13,71E>|

41.4001
l!i(l.7.77
39,1.761
142,.Tid
2H,417
17,776
7,!»')3
268.073
100,899
7,669
13,410
21.7,754
63.143
53,7!>t)
l.(,31in,
15,572,
t.ijsbI

12,865,511

Dell!

4,3.-.7

4,P>*i

9,242,0

CAM&.N, Foil TiiK YKAB FiCUlNU THE aid UAKl^ll. 1834.

r.XI’OKh.

ON ACCOIN'T OF HIE lIONOliBAUI.E COUl’.A.NV.

Boliea .....IViili€3.4aa ....TMb 989^111

Congo . “ 1U3.177 .... “

Soqciiong. “ 3.370 .... " I77.4(ii

I’eko. ■■ S37 .... '■

■rwaiilcay^. " »,7ai .... ■' Bli.474

Uyina^. 6.739 .... 343.904

HyiimMi . •• *18 .... " UiOl

N'ortli Amencan lnv(iloenl(CoiBiiuiiiMiiDd*dbl)..T«l> 3b'6.:)IF

Cupo anil 8t. Ikleoa Sloroi .. " 70.34;

StorestuIkngal, Alnlrji, anOUonUy............ “ l7,:F7i

Ilollloii (Clnrgcs of Sfiipment lOcliiiiBl). Pb. 1SS,030

I'otl Cliorgn^uii 74 Slii|« .. “ Wl.W

I'liViailing Cbiijcs, Canton Faclonr KxMaM».Ne. ...... 101,Olv

Chaigci.Ta^ 11.709

Faelor) liipcton....... " 63.<l03

Caiitnn Fninimiii KklaUislineiil " 5.776

H.C,ft|oi>ii. 7,996

I’riiiliog FatnUihboent . “ 989

L'lratgesoH Mi-o'liBnto. “ )7.7l-i ,

CliargettilraiiitlirKtry. " 3.377 |

Twis 101.1)13

T«e'..

UylUrs.

5,117,I'KI

399.1139

111,977

tlN PRlV.ATt ACCOUNF.

Congo mil CaM Coago ■
Soucliiinganilroui.’luMig .

i’ekuand Uiangc ..

Ilywo .

Liuopowder am! liniwiiil

Tt.

.I‘tc«b9.089« aipepKiil

. •• 1.469

. •• 174'47

TmIs.

190,969

37.79^

93.311

&.«1>

13.916

Taels.

lllmiTra.

91.18)

3S4,<)I«'

. •• IITHB ..

416,873

I’enls 79,031

753,107

‘4)11 Y'snVin

iy$.

IWloir.

J.676.'av

JiilJK.

3!'.Si;

" Caiituii.

" Du. 3(li sorl..

/AllwfJ.

3,t!i.7,lo;

77,(i.|.l

337,844

118,1174

NaiiUco Clolli .

Kitk Piece Cuutjs ..

Siiiiur (’andv. . ...

. 1V|>I>1<I.734* llKtical

Soli Sii^ac ..

f'Koia 1

. 17,607 • B| ■'

••

H6.0tiS

14,'.,7:)1-

H'uJ aiiil Sci ajTS .

Molljcr u’j)carl Shells ..

. VmIu . '. ....

••

7*77

34,:iH

Ctrriidfvtioi'A

;!,!l|)4,l!i(i

9,13:),7-:!)

sfATKMEKT OF THK TKAUK

IM l*oU r>. Piom tbe I &1 oT Aritit., 1A4,

QiUDli^,

Avence:

Price.

''' ifi..

nri \i. v.\i..
•V/i,

llronil ( ..

*ce.

31-54

69482!)

Cotron ..

piK

3B&0

40 44

I’kii^

14-560!)

S>-iirlui Ciittiii". .........

341

77-43

• 41890

(’oluui. Hk

13S4I6

16-70

* •J1789SI-2

Ditio, lluiiilijv.. ..

291770

16-40

’/•••;-53.55

Dull', M'ulijs ..........

16889

16-33

S.in(!:ihvOud.. .,,4

302S

14-85

. .

1972

7-34

4«

14i?6

18508

'1I'-l'i4

r.iw .

388380

3-19

li-.!:lI3-5

Bu'el Nu!..

11601

■J 02

33963

PuuIincV ...

322-1

B-27

•»

<lUbanam««

3593

3-11

79115

Ivory ;iiiil Kle|.luiit'i< TcuU

192

52-65

Kl.iO

S'liiiotn;.

3095

7-74

1 *

•231)71

Dil.

90

600

180

Ilidi" ilu Mm ...........

156

1-2-60

1081

I 4 . 11 I...

»»

371.7

4-68

17379

1 .-on....

4473

1-95

28346

Tin..

2715

il-79

«>

3-2031

Idlest.

390

3-84

• f

- 1500

728

4-09

**

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..

296

53-00

nil'H

(Inppvr .

171

32 11

• 0

5-172

(juiftkvilvi'r. .

1107

67-27

•0

74470

fliiiU.

5431

t-18

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Tiirluiiu-itliull....

>»

74

60-00

•(

4440

Cocliinual.

18

277-77

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KIkiii; ..

42

3-00

1-28

Gamrilur ..

97

3-00

2 !>l

Coral Fragiiiuiitm.

,0

1.50

40-110

M

flfHO

h'inli Maua .............

2483

49-88

123833

iilmrita' Fiiii ...

9280

20-74

68037

MotherSlict'k.*..

695

U'16

7024

Ouliin Pii/u« Guud»..

Pcc.

IIOCHI

80S

rkco

011469

l/'i;: rill .

tKim

9-19

608-2.50

Cmr.luii ....

109

30-8-2

3175

26.71

5-60

14748

Xi7

23-011

C»ily

7321

Aiilircr ..

WuoIlcxi»j vanoua kinds* • •
PenH» and CtxxncbanA*

Wafclitf»anJ CI<M'k« .

(jlu^s W jre

Saiidritpc

VbIo

• »

M

M

>»

6

11-00

6b

12-238

297707

II660

515

fiOOiX)

157917

Opium I’atnu. ..

6345

576-7-5

Cllril

360-20),>

Do. )Unarus

1832

543-20

8-25)1100

Du. iMalwa.. ■

8749

S9>r9»

,5-223l25»

Q0.187n2‘>

I'lir Kavl India »;<iaipaii*’i

upon minilUnooa n\ Xhe ^

223lB3i

lajc of if. 7il. JJullar*.»•«*.

.1

•Spvkbh

•2-2.lil9.l>53

IK uidcr uf ila- SiipetintejikuboT the Tiadv of Uiitibli rinl’juclt

v.xrouTs.

AI TtIK I'Ulli OF (JAXTON,
j lu JUt Ilf Maucii, 1835.

(juaBlalj

Aversf*!'

Piirc.

V»J,

». IhUuu.

HlaokTe. | .1*U.

2B7-2b7

29-15

I'r.l'ls.

B374436

Urcen lejAf.. ..

70841

3917

•27752;i‘l

4766

34Ih94

lli6432r>

JJo. ..

-2S7H

•241-70

623335

SuoiU^HulV.

17569

10-7-I

l«864.i

.Sui^Bar.. ..

31870

«-o<>

191-2-20

> «vri,i^nua.. „

12H64

9-17

117986

a5

.57-14

2000

lather I „

715

lG-00

11440

Camphor.. ,p

194

2H-88

3603-2

Aium.. ,,

15995

2-2-)

35:112

lllniliorl..

449

44i-32

•20799

I^LuhJ a •••«»•••«•« M

819

ti7-00

277.53

Aiiisvcil Star ... >.

«>

11 •70

765

Coluuicil X'a)>«r, v.niutat sona ,,

Mft

10-7I

5667

I'ucliiiival....

9I>9

-224-79

4(i96.3

QuicUilvfei..

J«

03-40

6410

Anaoiiic..... ..

159

17-00

2-550

3753

18-29

66566

300

1-93

97,5

112

16-00

1792

21-2

-2-2-00

4664

<i0

40-no

>•

24(10

Ciln«»Il€t<1i.

672

•25-30

17140

NHitkiii lUolh ul all «urts.. ..Pro.

4II0(K<

1-36

l-CC.

U5J3I

Vvrniillinn...Itt»

1300

60-00

Hex

65lM)0

Jlinss Leaf.

‘290

48-M

U09A

30(i

17-66

Ctwc

3300

Stiinn...

led

4-94

1)35

Silkl’lflco Good!. VaI.

197684

tiolilJewsI*..

3858

I’tiarlt.... „

11700

<!lniia tool, Cialg. and Matk~ „

10784

(‘liina IVai'i!.. „

13163

I'aipvr Khuxr ft flit LftL*. Ware ,,

li<i7l)4

1036923

Sjiree Silver...

-23(i8'>ll

158150

Marble Slabs ..

433.5

317-18

lUOO

1375

])ainboni» and Whaiis«cs • • • • .•

136038V

9-40

1 **

14573

Gold ill I'aels Wciglit....

(

354019

I

li>B0tl577

Uisbuistineula oii 7Ci ..fiwbalWhaiiipna, at lM..BO'H)cu('b,.

6I)U'.'.0U

Ditto.26 nice do....

1500 ..

li'.OllO

Ditto.46 vessels a( liDlii.

1500 ,,

C'HWll

l!>jl(ii.7T

Ualnocc.... 31 (i:iUTi>

JH.g04,»33JI». oc ns. 2«7,-2B7-<K> of I'l.ick Tv.-
SM-IO.^e? .. .. 7O.841-0I tVi.^11 ilii.

'I'.iUl J7.750,4nonK.

358,138-01 I'u'uls. •
- 8 .V- IM".

a..

ill Ciiiii.i,